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Redeemed  Captive  returning  to  ZION  : 

O  F 

Remarkable  Occurrences 

I  N      T  H  * 



Mr.  John  Williams, 

Minifter  of"  the  Gofpei  in  DEIRFIEID  ; 

"Who,  in  the  Defolation  which  befel  that  Plantation,  by  «n  Incurfton  of 
FRENCH  and  INBIANS,  was  by  them  carried  away,  with  his  Family 
•ird  his  Neighbourhood,  into  CAJCADA. 


Annexed  to  which,  is  A  SERMON, 


Alfo,   AN  .A  P  P  E  N  D  I  X, 

By  tie  /?«>.  Mr.  WILLIAMS,  of  Springfield. 


By  the  Rfv.  Mr.  TAYLOR,  o/DeerficWi 

By  the  Rev.  Mr.  PRINCE,  c/Bofton. 

Pnotcd  by  SAMUEL  H&LL,  No.  53,  Corohill,  BOSTO», 



Returning  to  Zion 

OR    THE 









This  edition  is  limited  to  526  copies  on 
Mittineague  paper,  26  of  which  are  Large 
Paper  copies. 

This  volume  is  No..{.d. 


In  this,  the  third  volume  of  the  INDIAN 
CAPTIVITIES  SERIES,  the  publishers  have 
profited  by  a  number  of  valuable  suggestions 
and  criticisms  in  the  endeavour  to  improve 
upon  the  preceding  volumes  of  the  series, 
which  have  both  been  accorded  much  praise 
alike  by  individuals  and  by  the  press. 

As  in  the  preceding  volumes,  the  aim  has 
been  to  preserve  as  nearly  as  possible  the 
exact  wording  of  the  author,  according  to 
the  best  edition  obtainable.  To  this  end, 
while  the  book  has  been  carefully  edited, 
with  a  number  of  additional  explanatory 
notes,  the  old-fashioned  spellings  and  phrase 
ology,  as  well  as  many  word-forms  now 
obsolete  or  archaic,  have  been  left  unaltered, 
only  palpable  typographical  and  other  minor 
errors  being  corrected. 

The  Publishers  desire  to  make  the  most 
cordial  acknowledgement  of  indebtedness  to 
Wilberforce  Eames,  Esq.,  of  the  New  York 
Public  Library,  who  has  furnished  the  very 



valuable  Bibliography  by  which  the  book 
is  enriched,  as  well  as  to  George  Sheldon, 
Esq.,  whose  careful  historical  introduction 
adds  much  interest  to  the  narrative. 

The  H.  R.  Huntting  Co., 

October,  1908. 




The  modern  student  of  old  New  England  is  seeking 
every  reliable  avenue  which  leads  to,  or  illustrates  her 
earlier  days;  and  he  does  good  service  who  presents  to 
this  public  the  kind  of  material  to  be  found  in  this  book. 

"The  Redeemed  Captive" — the  man — was  a  well 
known  personage  of  his  time,  and  stood  out  prominently 
during  the  crucial  period  of  King  William's  and  Queen 
Anne's  wars.  Although  his  standing  among  his  fellow 
ministers  was  fairly  good,  yet  he  is  better  known  by  his 
trials  and  hardships  than  by  his  talents  or  attainments. 
He  was  emphatically  a  man  of  sorrows,  and  weighted 
with  care,  from  maturity  to  his  dying  day.  His  peculiar 
experiences  were  not  paralleled  by  any  other  man  of  his 
time.  His  own  record  of  his  own  captivity  has  been  and 
will  be  a  much  read  book. 

John  Williams,  son  of  Samuel,  was  born  at  Roxbury, 
Dec.  10,  1664.  His  grandfather,  Robert  Williams,  was 
driven  from  Norwich,  Eng.,  in  1634.  Robert  was  a 
Puritan  of  Puritans.  He  brought  with  him  his  son 
Samuel,  then  an  infant.  Both  settled  in  Roxbury;  both 
were  shoemakers.  Samuel  was  a  deacon  in  the  church 
of  the  Apostle  Eliot — a  heritage  and  an  environment 
equally  good.  John  Williams  was  educated  at  the  still 


famous  Roxbury  Latin  School,  and  was  graduated  from 
Harvard  in  1683.  He  was  second  in  a  class  of  three — 
all  Roxbury  boys.  The  first  chapter  of  their  lives  had 
come  to  an  end.  When  and  where  would  the  second 
open?  For  John  Williams  it  opened  Sept.  21,  1686, 
when  he  was  called  to  be  the  minister  of  Deerfield.  His 
cousin,  William  Williams,  the  third  in  his  class,  had  been 
settled  at  Hatfield  the  year  before,  and  Samuel  Danforth, 
the  first,  was  called  to  Taunton  in  1687.  In  accordance 
with  the  custom  of  the  times  they  had  no  training  for 
the  ministry  beyond  that  given  in  the  regular  course  at 

When  young  John  Williams  went  to  Deerfield,  King 
William's  war  was  near  at  hand,  and  Deerfield  was  a 
frontier  town.  The  bodies  as  well  as  the  souls  of  the  min 
ister  and  people  were  sorely  tried.  The  cultivation  of 
the  soil,  their  sole  reliance  for  a  livelihood,  was  restricted 
to  a  narrow  area,  and  this  only  when  under  an  armed 
guard;  with  such  conditions  the  harvest  must  of  neces 
sity  be  small  and  uncertain.  All  reserved  resources  soon 
became  exhausted.  There  was  no  "base  of  supplies." 
The  settlers  feared  actual  want,  and  they  came  to  feel 
it  as  a  reality.  To  go  outside  the  stockade  for  a  moment 
unguarded  was  at  the  risk  of  life  or  liberty.  But  risks 
must  be  taken,  or  slow  starvation  would  work  its  will. 

The  first  bolt  fell  in  June,  1693,  at  the  north  end  of 
the  Street,  and  ten  men,  women,  and  children  were  the 
victims.  In  October,  a  man  was  captured  and  carried 


to  Canada.  In  September,  1694,  Castreen  with  a  large 
force  of  French  and  Indians  from  Canada,  attempted 
to  surprise  the  town,  but  he  was  discovered,  and  the 
place  was  successfully  defended  with  a  loss  of  one  man 
killed  and  two  wounded.  The  next  year  a  leading  mem 
ber  of  Mr.  Williams'  flock  was  ambushed  and  killed. 
In  1696  a  large  family  living  within  fifty  rods  of  the 
Meetinghouse  was  attacked,  three  of  the  family  were 
killed,  two  wounded  and  four  captured.  It  was  a  Lec 
ture  day,  and  the  people  were  collected  in  the  Meeting 
house  for  public  worship.  This  family  was  belated  and 
perhaps  the  only  one  outside  the  stockade.  Three  young 
men  were  soon  after  carried  off  by  swift  surprise  while 
in  the  North  Meadows,  and  the  young  minister  himself 
had  a  narrow  escape  at  Broughton's  Hill.  The  terrible 
trials  of  these  times,  which  minister  and  people  bore 
bravely  and  well,  are  not  the  theme  of  this  book.  They 
seem,  however,  to  be  a  fitting  prelude. 

"The  Redeemed  Captive" — the  Book — is  a  well 
known  classic  of  New  England.  Here  may  be  found,  in 
fact,  an  epitome  of  the  lights  and  shadows  (flickering 
indeed  are  the  lights)  during  Queen  Anne's  war.  It  is 
a  personal,  life-sized  account  of  the  New  England  cap 
tive  in  Canada.  This  book  contains  a  perfect  record  of 
a  sorrowful  experience  of  more  than  two  and  a  half 
years,  and  has  no  counterpart  in  the  literature  of  the 
period.  It  was  written  at  Deerfield  on  the  return  of  Mr. 
Williams  from  captivity,  and  published  at  Boston, 


March,  1706-7.  It  contains  a  narrative  of  the  sacking 
of  Deerfield,  Feb.  29,  1703-4;  the  march  of  himself, 
family,  and  flock  through  three  hundred  miles  of  un 
broken  wilderness  to  Canada.  It  also  contains  a  sermon 
preached  at  Boston,  Dec.  5,  1706,  two  weeks  after  his 
arrival  there  from  Canada. 

"The  Redeemed  Captive"  has  passed  through  some 
dozen  editions,  the  latest  edited  by  Stephen  W.  Wil 
liams,  M.  D.,  in  1853.  A  third  edition,  commonly  called 
the  "Prince  edition,"  was  published  in  Boston,  1758. 
This  included  a  valuable  appendix  by  Rev.  Stephen 
Williams,  D.  D.,  of  Longmeadow,  himself  a  "  Boy  Cap 
tive."  In  1795  this  edition  was  faithfully  reproduced  by 
Rev.  John  Taylor  of  Deerfield,  with  an  appendix  by 
himself  which  contains  a  brief  account  of  the  Indian 
depredations  in  the  Valley  until  the  conquest  of  Canada. 
This  is  called  the  "Taylor  edition."  It  is  on  the  whole 
the  most  satisfactory  edition  which  we  have  met  with. 
It  is  this  which  is  now  presented  to  the  public  in  a  new 
dress.  "The  Redeemed  Captive"  was  also  published 
at  Greenfield,  1800,  in  connection  with  Robert  B  reek's 
Century  Sermon,  preached  at  Springfield,  1775;  and  again 
in  connection  with  the  Narrative  of  Mary  Rowlandson, 
at  Brookfield,  in  1811. 

In  a  recently  published  book  concerning  the  early 
days  of  John  Williams,  there  may  be  found,  it  is  said, 
"the  most  complete,  accurate  and  interesting  account  of 
life  in  the  Bay  Colony  during  its  first  half  century."  In 


"The  Redeemed  Captive"  those  interested  in  the  life 
of  that  period  may  find  opportunity  to  compare  this  half 
century  with  the  half  century  which  followed. 

Mr.  Williams  was  a  striking  example  of  the  Puritan 
life  in  thought  and  action.  He  lived  and  walked  in  the 
faith  enjoined  by  the  theology  of  the  day — hard  and 
narrow  enough  to  our  eyes,  and  utterly  lacking  in  charity. 
Indeed,  he  was  taught  by  his  townsman,  Gov.  Thomas 
Dudley,  that  toleration  was  an  abomination  and  a  sin. 
To  modern  minds  the  Deity  worshipped  under  this 
theology  seems  a  tangled  mass  of  contradictions.  To 
define  it  in  common  terms  would  seem  to  Mr.  Williams 
irreverent  and  sacrilegious.  He  believed  that  the  Scrip 
ture  with  all  its  contradictions  and  crudities  was  the 
language  of  God,  from  the  first  word  to  the  last.  As  it 
declared  that  man  was  made  in  the  image  of  God,  he 
could  not  escape  the  conception  that  God  was  a  personal 
being,  with  a  mind  like  unto  his  own,  but  with  unlimited 
power  for  good  or  evil.  Mr.  Williams  believed  also  that 
this  Being  was  at  enmity  with  man,  and  had  doomed  the 
whole  race  to  eternal  woe;  that  this  was  a  well  deserved 
sentence  from  which  there  was  no  escape  save  by  soften 
ing  the  heart  of  the  Deity  by  an  appeal  to  His  human 
side.  To  this  end  there  was  constant  worship  and  as 
cribing  to  Him  all  honor  and  power  and  glory.  He  did 
not  realize  that  the  laws  of  Nature,  by  whatever  name 
called,  were  unchangeable.  He  believed  the  laws  of 
Nature  had  been  changed  upon  his  own  petition.  He 


records  in  this  volume,  that  when  in  unusual  straits  he 
had  petitioned  for  relief,  there  had  been  in  response  a 
change  in  the  weather.  He  believed  that  the  duty  of  man 
to  God  was  fully  revealed  in  the  Scripture.  He  might 
have  known,  and  no  one  will  question  the  fact,  that  this 
"revelation"  has  been  read  a  thousand  ways,  and  that 
the  disagreements  have  filled  the  Christian  world  with 
misery  and  woe;  that  millions  of  men,  women,  and 
children  have  been  butchered,  and  their  homes  turned 
to  ashes  in  consequence  of  this  disagreement.  What  kind 
of  a  revelation  is  this! 

John  Williams  was  good,  brave,  honest,  and  played 
well  his  part.  He  must  be  judged  by  his  own  time.  He 
did  not  formulate  the  Deity  he  trusted  and  worshipped. 
Many  doubt  if  such  a  Deity  could  have  been  formulated 
this  side  of  the  Dark  Ages. 

No  thinking  person  can  read  this  book  without  a  feel 
ing  of  thankfulness  that  he  is  living  in  an  age  when  the 
barbarian  no  longer  terrorizes  the  land,  and  when  the 
nightmare  of  superstition  is  passing  away  in  the  new  light 
of  Science. 



The  Redeemed  Captive  Returning  ||  to  Zion.||  A  Faith 
ful  History  ||  of  ||  Remarkable  Occurrences,  ||  in  the  ||  Cap 
tivity  ||  and  the  ||  Deliverance  ||  of  ||  Mr.  John  Williams; 
||  Minister  of  the  Gospel,  in  Deerfield,  ||  Who,  in  the  Des 
olation  which  befel  that  ||  Plantation,  by  an  Incursion  of 
the  French  ||  &  Indians,  was  by  Them  carried  away,  || 
with  his  Family,  and  his  Neighbourhood,  ||  unto  Canada. 
||  Whereto  there  is  annexed  a  Sermon  ||  Preached  by  him, 
upon  his  Return,  at  ||  the  Lecture  in  Boston,  Decemb. 
5,  1706.  ||  On  those  Words,  Luk.  8,  39.  Return  to  thine 
||  own  House,  and  shew  how  great  Things  God  ||  hath 
done  unto  thee.  ||  Boston  in  N.  E.  Printed  by  B.  Green, 
for  ||  Samuel  Phillips,  at  the  Brick  Shop,  1707.  ||  8  vo., 
pp.  (6),  104. 

NOTE.  The  Narrative  of  Williams's  Captivity  ends 
on  page  87,  on  the  verso  of  which  is  the  following  title 
of  the  Sermon: — Reports  of  Divine  Kindness:  ||  or,  || 
Remarkable  Mercies  ||  Should  be  Faithfully  Published,  jj 
For  the  Praise  of  ||  God  ||  the  Giver.  ||  Set  forth  in  a 
Sermon  Preached  at  ||  Boston  Lecture,  Decemb.  5,  1706. 
||  By  John  Williams,  ||  Pastor  of  the  Church  of  Christ  in 
Deerfield;  ||  Soon  after  his  Return  from  a  doleful  Cap 
tivity.  ||  ...  |l  Boston:  Printed  for  S.  Phillips,  at  the 
Brick  Shop,  1707.  ||  The  Sermon  fills  pp.  89-104. 

Copies: — American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester, 
Mass.;  Harvard  College  Library,  Cambridge,  Mass.; 


Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Boston,  Mass.;  John 
Carter  Brown  Library,  Providence,  R.  I.  Brinley's  copy 
sold  in  1879  for  $106. 


The  Second  Edition.  ||  Boston:  \\  Printed  by  T.  Fleet,  for 
Samuel  Phillips,  at  the  \\  Three  Bibles  and  Crown  in  King 
Street,  1720.  ||  8  vo,  pp.  (6),  98. 

NOTE.  This  edition  contains  only  the  Narrative  of  the 
Captivity,  the  Sermon  not  being  reprinted. 

Copies: — New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  collec 


The  Third  Edition.  ||  As  also  an  Appendix:  Containing 
an  Account  ||  of  those  taken  Captive  at  Deerfield,  Febru 
ary  29,  1703,  4.  ||  of  those  kill'd  after  they  went  out  of 
Town,  those  who  ||  returned,  and  of  those  still  absent 
from  their  native  Country;  ||  of  those  who  were  Slain  at 
that  Time  in  or  near  the  Town;  ||  and  of  the  Mischief 
done  by  the  Enemy  in  Deerfield,  from  ||  the  Beginning 
of  its  Settlement  to  the  Death  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  ||  Williams, 
in  1729.  With  a  Conclusion  to  the  whole.  ||  By  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Williams  of  Springfield,  and  the  Rev.  ||  Mr.  Prince 
of  Boston.  ||  Boston:  Printed  and  Sold  by  S.  Kneeland,  || 
opposite  the  Probate-Office  in  Queen-street,  1758.  ||  8  vo, 
pp.  (4)  IV,  104. 


NOTE.  This  edition  begins  with  a  half-tide:  —  A  ||  Faith 
ful  Narrative  ||  of  ||  Remarkable  Occurrences  ||  In  the 
Captivity  of  the  Reverend  ||  Mr.  John  Williams,  &c.  || 

The  Narrative  ends  on  page  77.  The  Sermon,  Re 
ports  of  Divine  Kindness,  with  title-page  dated  1758, 
fills  pp.  79-94.  The  Appendix,  pp.  95-104,  is  dated  Bos 
ton,  Dec.  20,  1757,  and  signed  T.  Prince. 

Copies:  —  Boston  Public  Library  (Prince  Collection); 
New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Collection). 

The  Fourth  Edition.  ||  .  .  .  ||  Boston:  Printed.  \\  New- 
London:  Re-printed  by  T.  Green.  ||  [1773.]  8  vo,  pp.  79. 

NOTE.  The  Narrative  ends  on  page  58,  and  is  followed 
on  the  next  page  by  the  title-page  of  the  Sermon,  Reports  of 
Divine  Kindness,  which  has  the  imprint,  with  date:  —  • 
Mew-London:  \\  Re-printed  and  sold  by  T.  Green.  1773.  || 
This  edition,  according  to  Dr.  Trumbull  (Brinley  cata 
logue,  no.  497),  was  advertised  by  the  printer,  as  "just 
published,"  in  April,  1773.  It  is  a  reprint  of  the  1758 
edition,  including  the  Appendix.  See  also  Trumbull's 
List  of  Books  printed  in  Connecticut,  no.  1670. 

Copies:  —  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  collection), 
lacking  pp.  77-79. 


The  Fifth  Edition.  ||  .  .  .  ||  Boston:  \\  Printed  and  Sold 
by  John  Boyle  next  door  to  the  Three  ||  Doves  in  Marl- 
borough-Street.  1774.  ||  8  vo.,  pp.  70. 


NOTE.  The  Narrative  in  this  edition  ends  on  page  52, 
the  Sermon  entitled  Reports  of  Divine  Kindness  follow 
ing  with  imprint,  Boston:  ||  Printed  and  Sold  by  John 
Boyle  in  Marlborough-Street.  \\  MDCCLXXIV.  l|  Reprint 
of  the  1773  edition,  with  the  Appendix. 

.Copies:  —  Library  of  Congress;  Massachusetts  Histor 
ical  Society. 


The  Fifth  Edition.  ||  .  .  .  ||  Boston:  Printed.  \\  New- 
London:  Re-printed  by  T.  Green.  \\  [1776.]  8  vo,  pp.  72. 

NOTE.  In  this  edition  the  Narrative  ends  on  page  56, 
followed  on  pp.  57-66  by  the  sermon,  Reports  of  ,  Divine 
Kind  ness,  with  dated  imprint,  New-London:  \\  Re-printed 
and  Sold  by  T.  Green.  1776.  ||  The  Appendix  fills  pp.  67-72. 

Dr.  Trumbull  in  the  Brinley  Catalogue,  nos.  500  and 
5577,  describes  two  copies  of  "The  Fifth  Edition,"  with 
imprint,  New  London,  reprinted,  T.  Green,  n.  d.  [1780  ?], 
which  are  without  doubt  the  same  as  the  above,  he  having 
probably  overlooked  the  imprint  date  on  page  57.  In 
fact,  one  of  these  two  copies,  no.  5577,  which  lacks  the 
Appendix,  is  now  in  Yale  University  Library,  and  con 
tains  the  date  1776  on  the  second  title. 

Copies:  —  Library  of  Congress;  Yale  University  Library. 

Annexed  to  which,  is  a  ||  Sermon,  j|  Preached  by  him 
upon  his  return.  ||  Also,  ||  An  Appendix,  ||  By  the  Rev. 


Mr.  Williams,  of  Springfield.  ||  Likewise,  ||  An  Appendix, 
||  By  the  Rev.  Mr.  Taylor,  of  Deerfield.  ||  With  a  Con 
clusion  to  the  whole,  ||  By  the  Rev.  Mr.  Prince,  of  Bos 
ton.  ||  The  Fourth  Edition,  with  Additions.  ||  Printed  at 
Greenfield,  Massachusetts.  ||  By  Thomas  Dickman.  || 
MDCCXCIII.  ||  12  mo.,  pp.  (2),  iii,  154. 

NOTE.  Reprinted  from  the  1758  edition.  Mr.  Taylor's 
Appendix,  pp.  121-151,  contains  an  account  "of  the  mis 
chief  done  by  the  enemy,  in  Deerfield,  and  its  vicinity," 
from  1 745  to  1749  and  from  1755  to  1759,  closing  with 
a  circumstantial  account  of  the  Fall  Fight,  in  May,  1676. 

Copies: — Massachusetts  Historical  Society;  New  York 
Public  Library  (Lenox  collection). 


The  Sixth  Edition.  ||  Printed  by  Samuel  Hall,  No.  53, 
Cornhill,  Boston.  \\  1795.  ||  12  mo,  pp.  132. 

NOTE.  A  reprint  of  the  edition  of  1793,  with  Mr. 
Taylor's  Appendix. 

Copies: — Library  of  Congress;  Massachusetts  Histor 
ical  Society;  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  collec 

1800    [or    1802] 

Subjoined  to  this  is,  ||  A  Sermon,  ||  delivered  in  the 
First  Parish  in  Spring-  ||  field,  on  the  i6th  of  October, 
1775.  ||  Just  one  hundred  years  from  the  burn-  ||  ing  of  the 
town  by  the  Indians.  ||  By  Robert  Breck,  A.  M.  ||  Pastor 


of  the  Church  there.  ||  The  Sixth  Edition,  with  Additions. 
||  Printed  and  sold  at  Greenfield,  Mass,  by  ||  Thomas 
Dickman,  \\  MDCCC.  ||  12  mo,  pp.  248. 

NOTE.  Although  dated  1800  on  the  title  page,  this  edi 
tion  was  perhaps  really  printed  in  1802,  if  the  date  of  Mr. 
Taylor's  note,  as  given  below,  is  correct.  It  is  the  most 
complete,  in  the  way  of  Appendixes,  of  all  the  editions, 
as  it  contains  on  pp.  197-220  an  "Historical  Sketch  of 
Deerfield,"  from  1669  to  1799,  apparently  not  printed 
elsewhere,  to  which  is  prefixed  this  note: — 

"Mr.  Dickman,  Sir,  Agreeably  to  your  request,  I  send 
you  the  following  extracts  from  a  discourse,  delivered  at 
Deerfield,  on  the  first  day  of  the  present  century.  As 
you  wish  to  annex  these  to  my  former  appendix  to  Mr. 
Williams's  narrative,  it  may  be  necessary  to  observe,  that 
some  parts  of  the  historical  sketch  I  have  given  of  Deer- 
field,  is  drawn  from  the  narrative  itself. — Yet  as  there 
are  circumstances,  which  Mr.  Williams  omitted;  I  send 
you  what  I  have  written  upon  these  events,  without  any 
material  alterations.  John  Taylor.  Deerfield,  Jan.  ist, 

The  narrative  of  captivity  ends  on  p.  125;  Williams's 
Sermon  on  Dec.  5,  1706,  fills  pp.  127-148;  Mr.  Stephen 
Williams's  Appendix,  pp.  149-158;  Rev.  John  Taylor's 
Appendix,  pp.  159-197;  Mr.  T.  Prince's  Observations, 
pp.  220-224.  Then  follows  Breck's  Century  Sermon,  pp. 
225-248,  first  published  at  Hartford  in  1784,  and  reprinted 
here  with  the  following  title: — "Past  Dispensations  of 
Providence  called  to  Mind.  In  a  Sermon,  delivered  in 
the  First  Parish  in  Springfield,  on  the  i6th  of  October 


1775.  Just  one  hundred  years  from  the  burning  of  the 
town  by  the  Indians.  By  Robert  Breck,  A.  M.  Pastor 
of  the  Church  there." 

Copies: — American  Antiquarian  Society. 


New-Haven:  Printed  by  William  W.  Morse.  \\  1802.  || 
12  mo,  pp.  188. 

NOTE.  Reprinted  from  the  edition  of  1793  or  1795,  with 
Mr.  Taylor's  first  Appendix. 

Copies: — American  Antiquarian  Society;  Boston  Pub 
lic  Library;  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


The  ||  Captivity  and  Deliverance  ||  of  ||  Mr.  John  Wil 
liams,  ||  Pastor  of  the  Church  in  Deerfield,  ||  and  ||  Mrs. 
Mary  Rowlandson,  ||  of  Lancaster,  ||  who  were  taken, 
together  with  their  families  ||  and  neighbors,  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  ||  and  carried  into  Canada.  ||  Written 
by  Themselves.  ||  Brookfield,  ||  Printed  by  Hori  Brown,  |j 
From  the  press  of  E.  Merriam  &  Co.  ||  September — 1811. 
||  12  mo,  pp.  116;  Mrs.  Rowlandson's  Captivity,  pp.  80. 

NOTE.  This  edition  contains  only  the  narrative  of  cap 
tivity,  followed  on  pp.  m-ii6,  by  a  notice  of  Mr.  Wil- 
liams's  death  in  1 729, "  From  the  Weekly  News  Letter  No. 
130,  and  the  Weekly  Journal  No.  1 18. "  Mrs.  Rowland- 
son's  narrative  has  a  separate  title,  with  imprint  as  in  the 
first  title: — "The  ||  Captivity  and  Deliverance  ||  of  ||  Mrs. 


Mary  Rowlandson,  ||  of  Lancaster,  ||  who  was  taken  by 
the  French  and  Indians,  ||  Written  by  Herself." 
Copies: — American  Antiquarian  Society. 


The  ||  Deerfield  Captive,  ||  an  ||  Indian  Story;  ||  being 
a  ||  Narrative  of  Facts,  ||  for  ||  the  instruction  of  the  young. 
||  A.  Phelps,  ||  Greenfield,  Mass.  \\  1832.  ||  Square  l8mo, 
pp.  68  and  printed  covers. 

NOTE.  By  the  Rev.  Titus  Strong,  D.  D.,  but  published 
anonymously.  It  was  copyrighted  in  1831,  and  the  prefa 
tory  note  is  dated  Greenfield,  Sept.  10,  1831.  The  frontis 
piece  is  a  view  of  the  old  house  in  Deerfield  which  escaped 
the  conflagration  in  1704.  The  cover-title  reads: — "The 
Deerfield  Captive,  ||  an  interesting  Indian  Story;  being  a 
narrative  ||  of  facts,  ||  for  the  instruction  of  the  young. 
||  [Picture.]  ||  Green-field:  ||  Published  by  A.  Phelps." 


The  ||  Redeemed  Captive  :  ||  a  Narrative  ||  of  the  ||  Cap 
tivity,  Sufferings,  and  Return  ||  of  the  ||  Rev.  John  Wil 
liams,  ||  minister  of  Deerfield,  Massachusetts,  ||  who  was 
taken  prisoner  by  the  Indians  j|  on  the  destruction  of  the  || 
town,  A.  D.  1704.  ||  For  Sabbath  Schools.  ||  New- 
York:  Published  by  S.  W.  Benedict  &  Co.  \\  Evangelist 
Office,  No.  20,  Ann  St.  ||  1833.  ||  24  mo,  pp.  116.  Fron 
tispiece  of  the  old  house  at  Deerfield,  and  plate  of  cap 
tives  in  a  canoe,  facing  p.  24. 


NOTE.  Written  in  the  form  of  letters  by  Rev.  Joshua 
Leavitt,  whose  name  appears  in  the  copyright  notice,  and 
first  published  in  the  New-Tork  Evangelist,  in  February 
and  March,  1833.  An  appendix  of  historical  documents 
fills  pp.  89-116. 

The  ||  Deerfield  Captive.  ||  An  ||  Indian  Story;  ||  being 

a  ||  Narrative  of  Facts,  ||  for  ||  the    instruction  of  the 

young.  ||  Second  Edition.  ||   A.  Phelps,  ||  Greenfield,  Mass. 

||  1834.  ||    Square  18  mo,  pp.  68,  last  page  misnumbered 

78,  and  printed  covers. 

NOTE.  A  reprint  of  the  edition  of  1832,  with  two 
additional  woodcuts. 


The  ||  Deerfield  Captive,  ||  an  ||  Indian  Story;  ||  being  a 
||  Narrative  of  Facts,  ||  for  the  ||  instruction  of  the  young. 
||  Third  Edition.  ||  A.  Pbelps,  \\  Greenfield,  Mass.  \\  1837. 
||  Square  18  mo,  pp.  68  and  printed  covers. 


A  ||  Biographical  Memoir  ||  of  the  ||  Rev.  John  Wil 
liams,  ||  First  Minister  of  Deerfield,  Massachusetts.  || 
With  a  slight  sketch  of  ancient  Deerfield,  and  ||  and  [sic] 
an  account  of  the  Indian  Wars  in  that  ||  place  and  vicin 
ity.  ||  With  an  appendix,  containing  the  journal  of  the  || 


Rev.  Doctor  Stephen  Williams,  ||  of  Longmeadow,  dur 
ing  his  captivity,  ||  and  other  papers  relating  to  the  early  || 
Indian  Wars  in  Deerfield.  ||  By  Stephen  W.  Williams,  A. 
M.;  M.  D.  ||  Honorary  member  of  the  New  York  Histor 
ical  Society,  &c.  &c.  ||  Author  of  the  Catechism  of  Med 
ical  Jurisprudence,  &c.  &c.  ||  Greenfield,  Mass.  ||  Pub 
lished  and  printed  by  C.  /.  /.  Ingersoll  ||  1837  ||  12  mo, 
pp.  127. 

NOTE.  "The  Redeemed  Captive  . .  has  been  out  of  print 
for  more  than  twenty  years.  The  demand  for  that  work 
has  been  great  for  a  longtime,  and  I  have  been  induced  to 
prepare  another  edition  of  it,  in  a  new  form,  under  the 
title  of  a  Biographical  Memoir  of  the  pious  and  distin 
guished  author  of  that  work,  in  which  I  have  thrown  out 
much  which  has  appeared  to  me  extraneous,  and  have 
added  many  particulars  in  relation  to  his  life  and  charac 
ter  which  have  never  before  been  published.  The  whole 
of  it,  except  the  extracts,  is  in  my  own  language." — 


Memoir  of  ||  Rev.  John  Williams,  ||  the  Deerfield 
Captive,  ||  with  sketches  of  ||  Early  Indian  Wars.  ||  Green 
field,  Mass.  ||  1841.  ||  12  mo,  pp.  127. 

NOTE.  Title-label  as  above  pasted  on  outside  of  front 
cover.  Inside  title  is  dated  1837,  and  is  identical  with  the 
edition  described  under  that  date,  this  being  merely  a 



The  ||  Redeemed  Captive  returning  to  Zion:  ||  or,  ||  a  || 
faithful  history  of  remarkable  ||  occurrences  ||  in  the 
Captivity  and  Deliverance  ||  of  ||  Mr.  John  Williams,  || 
Minister  of  the  Gospel  in  Deerfield,  ||  who  in  the  desola 
tion  which  befel  that  plantation  by  ||  an  incursion  of  the 
French  and  Indians,  was  by  them  ||  carried  away,  with 
his  family  and  his  neighbor-  ||  hood,  into  Canada,  ||  drawn 
up  by  himself.  ||  To  which  is  added,  ||  a  biographical 
memoir  of  the  ||  Reverend  Author,  ||  with  ||  an  appendix 
and  notes,  ||  by  ||  Stephen  W.  Williams,  A.  M.,  M.  D.  || 
Honorary  Member  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society, 
Corresponding  ||  Member  of  the  National  Institute,  etc., 
etc.  ||  Northampton:  \\  Hopkins,  Bndgman,  and  Com 
pany.  j|  1853.  II  J2  m°)  PP-  JQ2.  Frontispiece,  View  of 
the  old  house  in  Deerfield  which  escaped  the  conflagration 
in  1704;  portrait,  facing  p.  144,  of  Stephen  Williams, 
D.  D. 


The  ||  Deerfield  Captive,  ||  an  ||  Indian  Story;  ||  being 
a  ||  Narrative  of  Facts,  ||  for  ||  the  instruction  of  the 
young.  ||  Written  by  Rev.  Titus  Strong,  D.  D.  ||  A. 
Phelps;  ||  Greenfield,  Mass.\\  1834.  Third  Edition,  re 
printed  by  F.  G.  Tilton  &f  Co.,  Greenfield,  Mass.  \\  1884. 
||  Square  18  mo,  pp.  63,  and  printed  covers.  Frontis 
piece  of  Memorial  Stone  erected  by  the  Pocumtuck  Val 
ley  Memorial  Association,  Aug.  12,  1884. 


NOTE.  This  is  really  the  fourth  edition,  although 
wrongly  numbered  the  third. 


New  Tracks  in  an  Old  Trail.  ||  By  George  Sheldon.  || 
(Read  at  P.  V.  M.  A.  meeting  at  Memorial  hall,  Old 
Deerfield,  Feb.  28,  1899.)  II  In-  P-  ^99-]  8  vo,  pp.  11, 
in  double  columns. 

NOTE.  A  critical  examination  of  "The  Redeemed 
Captive"  of  Parson  John  Williams  and  the  "Journal" 
of  his  son  Stephen. 



Captain-General,  and  Governor  in  Chief,  in 
and  over  her  Majesty's  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts-Bay  in  New-England,  &c. 


It  was  a  satyrical  answer,  and  deeply  re 
proachful  to  mankind,  which  the  philosopher 
gave  to  that  question,  What  soonest  grows  old? 
Replied,  Thanks.  The  reproach  of  it  would 
not  be  so  sensible,  were  there  not  sensible 
demonstrations  of  the  truth  of  it,  in  those  that 
wear  the  character  of  the  ingenuous.  Such 
as  are  at  first  surprised  at,  and  seem  to  have 
no  common  relish  of  divine  goodness,  yet  too 
soon  lose  the  impression:  They  sang  God's 



praise,  but  soon  forgat  his  works.  That  it 
should  be  thus  with  respect  to  our  benefac 
tors  on  earth,  is  contrary  to  the  ingenuity  of 
human  nature;  but  that  our  grateful  resent 
ments  of  the  signal  favours  of  Heaven  should 
soon  be  worn  off  by  time,  is,  to  the  last  degree 
criminal  and  unpardonable. 

It  would  be  unaccountable  stupidity  in  me, 
not  to  maintain  the  most  lively  and  awful 
sense  of  divine  rebukes,  which  the  holy  God 
has  seen  meet,  in  spotless  sovereignty,  to  dis 
pense  to  me,  my  family  and  people,  in  deliv 
ering  us  into  the  hands  of  those  that  hated  us; 
who  led  us  into  a  strange  land.  My  soul  has 
these  still  in  remembrance,  and  is  humbled  in 
me.  However,  God  has  given  us  plentiful  oc 
casion  to  sing  of  mercy  as  well  as  judgment. 
The  wonders  of  divine  mercy,  which  we  have 
seen  in  the  land  of  our  captivity,  and  deliver 
ance  therefrom,  cannot  be  forgotten  without 
incurring  the  guilt  of  the  blackest  ingratitude. 

To  preserve  the  memory  of  these,  it  has 
been  thought  adviseable  to  publish  a  short 



account  of  some  of  those  signal  appearances  of 
divine  power  and  goodness  for  us;  hoping  it 
may  serve  to  excite  the  praise,  faith  and  hope 
of  all  that  love  God;  and  may  peculiarly  serve 
to  cherish  a  grateful  spirit,  and  to  render  the 
impressions  of  God's  mighty  works  indelible 
on  my  heart,  and  on  those  who  with  me  have 
seen  the  wonders  of  the  Lord,  and  tasted  of 
his  salvation;  that  we  may  not  fall  under  that 
heavy  charge  made  against  Israel  of  old,  Psal. 
Ixxviii.  II,  42.  They  forgat  his  works,  and 
the  wonders  he  shewed  them:  They  remembered 
not  his  hand,  nor  the  day  that  he  delivered  them 
from  the  enemy. 

And  I  cannot,  Sir,  but  think  it  most  agree 
able  to  my  duty  toGod,our  supreme  redeemer, 
to  mention  your  Excellency's  name  with  hon 
our;  since  Heaven  has  honoured  you  as  the 
prime  instrument  in  returning  our  captivity. 
Sure  I  am,  the  laws  of  justice  and  gratitude 
(which  are  the  laws  of  God)  do  challenge  from 
us  the  most  publick  acknowledgments  of  your 
uncommon  sympathy  with  us,  your  children, 



in  our  bonds,  expressed  in  all  endearing  meth 
ods  of  parental  care  and  tenderness.  All  your 
people  are  cherished  under  your  wings,  happy 
in  your  government,  and  are  obliged  to  bless 
God  for  you:  And  among  your  people,  those 
who  are  immediately  exposed  to  the  outrages  of 
the  enemy,  have  peculiarly  felt  refreshment 
from  the  benign  influences  of  your  wise  and 
tender  conduct;  and  are  under  the  most  sensi 
ble  engagements  to  acknowledge  your  Excel 
lency,  under  God,  as  the  breath  of  their 

Your  uncommon  sagacity  and  prudence,  in 
contriving  to  loose  the  bonds  of  your  captived 
children;  your  unwearied  vigour  and  applica 
tion,  in  pursuing  them,  to  work  our  deliver 
ance,  can  never  be  enough  praised.  It  is  most 
notorious,  that  nothing  was  thought  too  diffi 
cult  by  you  to  effect  this  design,  in  that  you 
readily  sent  your  own  son,  Mr.  William  Dud 
ley,  to  undergo  the  hazards  and  hardships  of 
a  tedious  voyage,  that  this  affair  might  be 
transacted  with  success;  which  must  not  be 



forgotten,  as  an  expression  of  your  great  so 
licitude  and  zeal  to  recover  us  from  the 
tyranny  and  oppression  of  our  captivity. 

I  doubt  not  but  that  the  God,  whom  herein 
you  have  served,  will  remember,  and  glo 
riously  reward  you;  and  may  Heaven  long  pre 
serve  you  at  our  helm,  a  blessing  so  necessary 
for  the  tranquility  of  this  province,  in  this  dark 
and  tempestuous  season.  May  the  best  of 
blessings,  from  the  Father  of  Lights,  be  show 
ered  down  upon  your  person,  family  and  gov 
ernment;  which  shall  be  the  prayer  of 
Your  Excellency's  most  humble 

obedient,  and  dutiful  servant, 
March  3,  1706,7. 




Z  I  O  N  . 

THE  history  I  am  going  to  write,  proves, 
that  days  of  fasting  and  prayer,  without 
reformation,  will  not  avail  to  turn  away  the 
anger  of  God  from  a  professing  people;  and 
yet  witnesseth,  how  very  advantageous,  gra 
cious  supplications  are,  to  prepare  particular 
Christians,  patiently  to  suffer  the  will  of  God, 
in  very  trying  publick  calamities.  For  some 
of  us,  moved  with  fear,  set  apart  a  day  of 
prayer,  to  ask  of  God,  either  to  spare,  and 
save  us  from  the  hands  of  our  enemies,  or  to 
prepare  us  to  sanctify  and  honour  him  in  what 



way  soever  he  should  come  forth  towards  us. 
The  places  of  Scripture  from  whence  we  were 
entertained,  were  Gen.  xxxii.  10,  n.  I  am 
not  worthy  of  the  least  of  all  the  mercies,  and 
of  all  the  truth  which  thou  hast  shewed  unto 
thy  servant.  Deliver  me,  I  pray  thee,  from  the 
hand  of  my  brother,  from  the  hand  of  Esau: 
For  I  fear  him,  lest  he  will  come  and  smite  me, 
and  the  mother  with  the  children.  [In  the  fore 
noon.]  And  Gen.  xxxii.  26.  And  he  said, 
let  me  go,  for  the  day  breaketh:  And  he  said,  I 
will  not  let  thee  go,  except  thou  bless  me.  [In 
the  afternoon.]  From  which  we  were  called 
upon  to  spread  the  causes  of  fear,  relating  to 
our  own  selves,  or  families,  before  God;  as 
also,  how  it  becomes  us,  with  an  undeniable 
importunity,  to  be  following  God,  with  ear 
nest  prayers  for  his  blessing,  in  every  condi 
tion.  And  it  is  very  observable,  how  God  or 
dered  our  prayers,  in  a  peculiar  manner,  to 
be  going  up  to  him;  to  prepare  us,  with  a  right 
Christian  spirit,  to  undergo,  and  endure 
suffering  trials. 



Not  long  after,  the  holy  and  righteous  God 
brought  us  under  great  trials,  as  to  our  per 
sons  and  families,  which  put  us  under  a  neces 
sity  of  spreading  before  him,  in  a  wilderness, 
the  distressing  dangers  and  calamities  of  our 
relations;  yea,  that  called  on  us,  notwithstand 
ing  seeming  present  frowns,  to  resolve  by  his 
grace  not  to  be  sent  away  without  a  blessing. 
Jacob,  in  wrestling,  has  the  hollow  of  his 
thigh  put  out  of  joint;  and  it  is  said  to  him, 
Let  me  go;  yet  he  is  rather  animated  to  an 
heroical,  Christian  resolution  to  continue  ear 
nest  for  the  blessing,  than  discouraged  from 

ON  the  twenty-ninth  of  February,  1703,4, 
not  long  before  the  break  of  day,  the  enemy 
came  in  like  a  flood  upon  us;  our  watch  being 
unfaithful,  an  evil,  whose  awful  effects,  in  a 
surprisal  of  our  fort,  should  bespeak  all  watch 
men  to  avoid,  as  they  would  not  bring  the 
charge  of  blood  upon  themselves.  They  came 
to  my  house  in  the  beginning  of  the  onset,  and 



by  their  violent  endeavours  to  break  open  door 
and  windows,  with  axes  and  hatchets,  awaked 
me  out  of  sleep;  on  which  I  leaped  out  of  bed, 
and  running  toward  the  door,  perceived  the 
enemy  making  their  entrance  into  the  house. 
I  called  to  awaken  two  soldiers,  in  the  cham 
ber;  and  returned  toward  my  bed-side,  for  my 
arms.  The  enemy  immediately  brake  into 
the  room,  I  judge  to  the  number  of  twenty, 
with  painted  faces,  and  hideous  acclamations. 
I  reached  up  my  hands  to  the  bed-tester,  for 
my  pistol,  uttering  a  short  petition  to  God,  for 
everlasting  mercies  for  me  and  mine,  on  the 
account  of  the  merits  of  our  glorified  Re 
deemer;  expecting  a  present  passage  through 
the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death;  saying  in 
myself,  as  Isaiah  xxxviii.  10,  II.  /  said,  in 
the  cutting  off  of  my  days,  I  shall  go  to  the 
gates  of  the  grave:  I  am  deprived  of  the  residue 
of  my  years.  I  said,  I  shall  not  see  the  Lord, 
even  the  Lord,  in  the  land  of  the  living:  I  shall 
behold  man  no  more  with  the  inhabitants  of  the 
world.  Taking  down  my  pistol,  I  cocked  it, 



and  put  it  to  the  breast  of  the  first  Indian  who 
came  up;  but  my  pistol  missing  fire,  I  was 
seized  by  three  Indians,  who  disarmed  me, 
and  bound  me  naked,  as  I  was  in  my  shirt, 
and  so  I  stood  for  near  the  space  of  an  hour. 
Binding  me,  they  told  me  they  would  carry 
me  to  Quebec.  My  pistol  missing  fire  was  an 
occasion  of  my  life's  being  preserved;  since 
which  I  have  also  found  it  profitable  to  be 
crossed  in  my  own  will.  The  judgment  of 
God  did  not  long  slumber  against  one  of  the 
three  which  took  me,  who  was  a  captain,  for 
by  sun-rising  he  received  a  mortal  shot  from 
my  next  neighbour's  house;  who  opposed  so 
great  a  number  of  French  and  Indians  as 


three  hundred,  and  yet  were  no  more  than 
seven  men  in  an  ungarrisoned  house. 

I  cannot  relate  the  distressing  care  I  had 
for  my  dear  wife,  who  had  lain-in  but  a  few 
weeks  before,  and  for  my  poor  children,  fam 
ily,  and  Christian  neighbours.  The  enemy  fell 
to  rifling  the  house,  and  entered  in  great  num 
bers  into  every  room  of  the  house.  I  begged 



of  God  to  remember  mercy  in  the  midst  of 
judgment;  that  he  would  so  far  restrain  their 
wrath,  as  to  prevent  their  murdering  of  us; 
that  we  might  have  grace  to  glorify  his  name, 
whether  in  life  or  death;  and,  as  I  was  able, 
committed  our  state  to  God.  The  enemies 
who  entered  the  house  were  all  of  them  In 
dians  and  Macquas*,  insulted  over  me  a  while, 
holding  up  hatchets  over  my  head,  threatening 
to  burn  all  I  had;  but  yet  God,  beyond  expec 
tation,  made  us  in  a  great  measure  to  be  pitied; 
for  though  some  were  so  cruel  and  bar 
barous  as  to  take  and  carry  to  the  door,  two 
of  my  children,  and  murder  them,  as  also  a 
negro  woman;  yet  they  gave  me  liberty  to  put 
on  my  clothes,  keeping  me  bound  with  a  cord 
on  one  arm,  till  I  put  on  my  clothes  to  the 
other;  and  then  changing  my  cord,  they  let 


*  The  attacking  party  consisted,  according  to  French  accounts, 
of  50  Canadians  and  zoo  Abenaki  and  Caughnawaga  Indians. 
The  Caughnawagas,  who  were  formerly  called  also  Maquas  or 
Macquas,  were  converted  Mohawk  Indians  from  New  York  who, 
induced  by  the  French  Jesuit  missionaries  to  remove  to  Canada, 
settled  at  St.  Louis,  or  Canghnawaga,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  a  little  above  Montreal,  where  their  descendeuts  still 


me  dress  myself,  and  then  pinioned  me  again: 
Gave  liberty  to  my  dear  wife  to  dress  herself, 
and  our  children.  About  sun  an  hour  high, 
we  were  all  carried  out  of  the  house,  for  a 
march,  and  saw  many  of  the  houses  of  my 
neighbours  in  flames,  perceiving  the  whole 
fort,  one  house  excepted,  to  be  taken.  Who 
can  tell  what  sorrows  pierced  our  souls,  when 
we  saw  ourselves  carried  away  from  God's 
sanctuary,  to  go  into  a  strange  land,  exposed 
to  so  many  trials  ?  The  journey  being  at  least 
three  hundred  miles  we  were  to  travel  ;  the 
snow  up  to  the  knees,  and  we  never  inured 
to  such  hardships  and  fatigues;  the  place  we 
were  to  be  carried  to,  a  popish  country.  Upon 
my  parting  from  the  town,  they  fired  my  house 
and  barn.  We  were  carried  over  the  river,  to 
the  foot  of  the  mountain,  about  a  mile  from 
my  house,  where  we  found  a  great  number  of 
our  Christian  neighbours,  men,  women  and 
children,  to  the  number  of  an  hundred,  nine 
teen  of  whom  were  afterwards  murdered  by 
the  way,  and  two  starved  to  death,  near 



Cowass,  in  a  time  of  great  scarcity  or  famine, 
the  savages  underwent  there.  When  we  came 
to  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  they  took  away  our 
shoes,  and  gave  us,  in  the  room  of  them,  In 
dian  shoes,  to  prepare  us  for  our  travel.  Whilst 
we  were  there,  the  English  beat  out  a  com 
pany,  that  remained  in  the  town,  and  pursued 
them  to  the  river,  killing  and  wounding  many 
of  them,  but  the  body  of  the  army,  being 
alarmed,  they  repulsed  those  few  English  that 
pursued  them. 

I  am  not  able  to  give  you  an  account  of  the 
number  of  the  enemy  slain;  but  I  observed 
after  this  fight,  no  great  insulting  mirth,  as  I 
expected;  and  saw  many  wounded  persons, 
and  for  several  days  together  they  buried  of 
their  party,  and  one  of  chief  note  among  the 
Macquas.  The  governour  of  Canada  told  me, 
his  army  had  that  success  with  the  loss  of  but 
eleven  men,  three  Frenchmen,  one  of  whom 
was  the  lieutenant  of  the  army,  five  Macquas, 
and  three  Indians:  But  after  my  arrival  at 
Quebec,  I  spake  with  an  Englishman,  who 



was  taken  the  last  war,  and  married  there, 
and  of  their  religion;  who  told  me,  they  lost 
above  forty,  and  that  many  were  wounded.  I 
replied,  the  governour  of  Canada  said  they 
lost  but  eleven  men.  He  answered,  it  is  true, 
that  there  were  but  eleven  killed  out-right  at 
the  taking  of  the  fort,  but  that  many  others 
were  wounded,  among  whom  was  the  ensign 
of  the  French;  but,  said  he,  they  had  a  fight 
in  the  meadow,  and  that  in  both  engagements 
they  lost  more  than  forty.  Some  of  the  sol 
diers,  both  French  and  Indians,  then  present, 
told  me  so,  (said  he),  adding,  that  the  French 
always  endeavour  to  conceal  the  number  of 
their  slain. 

After  this,  we  went  up  the  mountain,  and 
saw  the  smoke  of  the  fires  in  town,  and  be 
held  the  awful  desolations  of  Deerfield:  And 
before  we  marched  any  farther,  they  killed  a 
sucking  child  of  the  English.  There  were 
slain  by  the  enemy,  of  the  inhabitants  of  our 
town,  to  the  number  of  thirty-eight,  besides 
nine  of  the  neighbouring  towns.  We 



travelled  not  far  the  first  day;  Qod  made  the 
heathen  so  to  pity  our  children,  that  though 
they  had  several  wounded  persons  of  their 
own  to  carry  upon  their  shoulders  for  thirty 
miles,  before  they  came  to  the  river,  yet  they 
carried  our  children,  incapable  of  travelling, 
upon  their  shoulders,  and  in  their  arms.  When 
we  came  to  our  lodging  place,  the  first  night, 
they  dug  away  the  snow,  and  made  some  wig 
wams,  cut  down  some  of  the  small  branches 
of  spruce  trees  to  lie  down  on,  and  gave  the 
prisoners  somewhat  to  eat;  but  we  had  but 
little  appetite.  I  was  pinioned,  and  bound 
down  that  night,  and  so  I  was  every  night 
whilst  I  was  with  the  army.  Some  of  the 
enemy  who  brought  drink  with  them  from  the 
town,  fell  to  drinking,  and  in  their  drunken 
fit  they  killed  my  negro  man,  the  only  dead 
person  I  either  saw  at  the  town,  or  in  the  way. 
In  the  night  an  Englishman  made  his  escape. 
In  the  morning  I  was  called  for,  and  ordered  by 
the  general  to  tell  the  English,  that  if  any 
more  made  their  escape,  they  would  burn 



the  rest  of  the  prisoners.  He  that  took  me 
was  unwilling  to  let  me  speak  with  any  of  the 
prisoners,  as  we  marched;  but  on  the  morning 
of  the  second  day,  he  being  appointed  to  guard 
the  rear,  I  was  put  into  the  hands  of  my  other 
master,  who  permitted  me  to  speak  to  my 
wife,  when  I  overtook  her,  and  to  walk  with 
her,  to  help  her  in  her  journey.  On  the  way 
we  discoursed  of  the  happiness  of  those  who 
had  a  right  to  an  house  not  made  with  hands, 
eternal  in  the  heavens;  and  God  for  a  father, 
and  friend;  as  also,  that  it  was  our  reasonable 
duty,  quietly  to  submit  to  the  will  of  God, 
and  to  say,  the  will  of  the  Lord  be  done.  My 
wife  told  me  her  strength  of  body  began  to 
fail,  and  that  I  must  expect  to  part  with  her; 
saying,  she  hoped  God  would  preserve  my 
life,  and  the  life  of  some,  if  not  all  of  our  chil 
dren,  with  us;  and  commended  to  me,  under 
God,  the  care  of  them.  She  never  spake  any 
discontented  word  as  to  what  had  befallen  us, 
but  with  suitable  expressions  justified  God  in 
what  had  befallen  us.  We  soon  made  an 



halt,  in  which  time  my  chief  surviving  master 
came  up,  upon  which  I  was  put  upon  march 
ing  with  the  foremost,  and  so  made  to  take 
my  last  farewell  of  my  dear  wife,  the  desire 
of  my  eyes,  and  companion  in  many  mercies 
and  afflictions.  Upon  our  separation  from 
each  other,  we  asked  for  each  other,  grace 
sufficient  for  what  God  should  call  us  to.  Af 
ter  our  being  parted  from  one  another,  she 
spent  the  few  remaining  minutes  of  her  stay  in 
reading  the  holy  Scriptures;  which  she  was 
wont  personally  every  day  to  delight  her  soul 
in  reading,  praying,  meditating  of,  and  over, 
by  herself,  in  her  closet,  over  and  above  what 
she  heard  out  of  them  in  our  family  worship. 
I  was  made  to  wade  over  a  small  river,  and  so 
were  all  the  English,  the  water  above  knee- 
deep,  the  stream  very  swift;  and  after  that, 
to  travel  up  a  small  mountain;  my  strength 
was  almost  spent,  before  I  came  to  the  top 
of  it.  No  sooner  had  I  overcome  the  diffi 
culty  of  that  ascent,  but  I  was  permitted  to  sit 
down,  and  be  unburthened  of  my  pack.  I 



sat  pitying  those  who  were  behind,  and  in- 
treated  my  master  to  let  me  go  down,  and  help 
up  my  wife;  but  he  refused,  and  would  not 
let  me  stir  from  him.  I  asked  each  of  the 
prisoners  (as  they  passed  by  me)  after  her, 
and  heard  that  in  passing  through  the  above- 
said  river,  she  fell  down,  and  was  plunged 
over  head  and  ears  in  the  water;  after 
which  she  traveled  not  far;  for  at  the 
foot  of  this  mountain,  the  cruel  and  blood 
thirsty  savage,  who  took  her,  slew  her  with  his 
hatchet,  at  one  stroke;  the  tidings  of  which 
were  very  awful;  and  yet  such  was  the  hard- 
heartedness  of  the  adversary,  that  my  tears 
were  reckoned  to  me  as  a  reproach.  My  loss, 
and  the  loss  of  my  children,  was  great;  our 
hearts  were  so  filled  with  sorrow,  that  nothing 
but  the  comfortable  hopes  of  her  being  taken 
away  in  mercy  to  herself,  from  the  evils  we 
were  to  see,  feel,  and  suffer  under,  (and  joined 
to  the  assembly  of  the  spirits  of  just  men 
made  perfect,  to  rest  in  peace,  and  joy  un 
speakable,  and  full  of  glory,  and  the  good 



pleasure  of  God  thus  to  exercise  us),  could 
have  kept  us  from  sinking  under,  at  that 
time.  That  Scripture,  Job  i.  21.  Naked 
came  I  out  of  my  mother's  womb,  and  naked 
shall  I  return  thither;  the  Lord  gave,  and  the 
Lord  hath  taken  away,  blessed  be  the  name  of 
the  Lord;  was  brought  to  my  mind,  and  from 
it,  that  an  afflicting  God  was  to  be  glorified; 
with  some  other  places  of  Scripture,  to  per 
suade  to  a  patient  bearing  my  afflictions. 

We  were  again  called  upon  to  march,  with 
a  far  heavier  burden  on  my  spirits,  than  on 
my  back.  I  begged  of  God,  to  over-rule,  in 
his  providence,  that  the  corpse  of  one  so  dear 
to  me,  and  of  one  whose  spirit  he  had  taken 
to  dwell  with  him  in  glory,  might  meet  with  a 
Christian  burial,  and  not  be  left  for  meat  to 
the  fowls  of  the  air,  and  beasts  of  the  earth :  A 
mercy  that  God  graciously  vouchsafed  to 
grant:  For  God  put  it  into  the  hearts  of  my 
neighbours  to  come  out  as  far  as  she  lay,  to 
take  up  her  corpse,  recarry  it  to  the  town,  and 
decently  to  bury  it,  soon  after.  In  our  march 



they  killed  another  sucking  infant  of  one  of 
my  neighbours;  and  before  night,  a  girl,  of 
about  eleven  years  of  age.  I  was  made  to 
mourn  at  the  consideration  of  my  flock's  be 
ing  so  far  a  flock  of  slaughter,  many  being 
slain  in  the  town,  and  so  many  murdered  in 
so  few  miles  from  the  town;  and  from  fears 
what  we  must  yet  expect  from  such  who  de 
lightfully  imbrued  their  hands  in  the  blood  of 
so  many  of  his  people.  When  we  came  to 
our  lodging  place,  an  Indian  captain  from  the 
eastward  spake  to  my  master  about  killing 
of  me,  and  taking  off  my  scalp.  I  lifted  up 
my  heart  to  God,  to  implore  his  grace  and 
mercy  in  such  a  time  of  need;  and  afterwards 
I  told  my  master,  if  he  intended  to  kill  me, 
I  desired  he  would  let  me  know  of  it,  assuring 
him  that  my  death,  after  a  promise  of  quarter, 
would  bring  the  guilt  of  blood  upon  him.  He 
told  me  he  would  not  kill  me.  We  laid  down 
and  slept,  for  God  sustained  and  kept  us.  In 
the  morning  we  were  all  called  before  the 
chief  sachems  of  the  Macquas  and  Indians, 



that  a  more  equal  distribution  might  be  made 
of  the  prisoners  among  them.  At  my  going 
from  the  wigwam,  my  best  clothing  was  taken 
away  from  me.  As  I  came  nigh  the  place  ap 
pointed,  some  of  the  captives  met  me,  and  told 
me,  they  thought  the  enemies  were  going  to 
burn  some  of  us,  for  they  had  peeled  off 
the  bark  from  several  trees,  and  acted  very 
strangely.  To  whom  I  replied,  they  could  act 
nothing  against  us,  but  as  they  were  permitted 
of  God,  and  I  was  persuaded  he  would  pre 
vent  such  severities.  When  we  came  to  the 
wigwam  appointed,  several  of  the  captives 
were  taken  from  their  former  masters,  and 
put  into  the  hands  of  others:  But  I  was  sent 
again  to  my  two  masters,  who  brought  me 
from  my  house. 

In  our  fourth  day's  march,  the  enemy  killed 
another  of  my  neighbours,  who  being  near  the 
time  of  travail,  was  wearied  with  her  journey. 
When  we  came  to  the  great  river,  the  enemy 
took  sleighs  to  draw  their  wounded,  several 
of  our  children,  and  their  packs;  and  marched 


a  great  pace.  I  travelled  many  hours  in 
water  up  to  the  ankles.  Near  night  I  was 
very  lame,  having  before  my  travel  wrenched 
my  ankle-bone  and  sinews.  I  thought,  so  did 
others,  that  I  should  not  be  able  to  hold  out 
to  travel  far.  I  lifted  up  my  heart  to  God  (my 
only  refuge)  to  remove  my  lameness,  and  carry 
me  through  with  my  children  and  neighbours, 
if  he  judged  it  best.  However,  I  desired  God 
would  be  with  me  in  my  great  change,  if  he 
called  me  by  such  a  death  to  glorify  him;  and 
that  he  would  take  care  of  my  children  and 
neighbours,  and  bless  them;  and  within  a 
little  space  of  time,  I  was  well  of  my  lameness, 
to  the  joy  of  my  children  and  neighbours, 
that  saw  so  great  an  alteration  in  my 

On  the  Saturday,  the  journey  was  long  and 
tedious;  we  travelled  with  such  speed,  that 
four  women  were  tired,  and  then  slain  by  them 
who  led  them  captive. 

On  the  Sabbath  day  we  rested,  and  I  was 
permitted  to  pray  and  preach  to  the  captives. 



The  place  of  Scripture  spoken  from,  was  Lam. 
i.  1 8.  The  Lord  is  righteous,  for  I  have  re 
belled  against  his  commandment:  Hear,  I  pray 
you,  all  people,  and  behold  my  sorrow:  My 
virgins  and  my  young  men  are  gone  into 
captivity.  The  enemy,  who  said  to  us,  sing  us 
one  of  Zion's  songs,  were  ready,  some  of  them, 
to  upbraid  us,  because  our  singing  was  not 
so  loud  as  theirs.  When  the  Macquas  and 
Indians  were  chief  in  power,  we  had  this  re 
vival  in  our  bondage;  to  join  together  in  the 
worship  of  God,  and  encourage  one  another  to 
a  patient  bearing  the  indignation  of  the  Lord, 
till  he  should  plead  our  cause.  When  we  ar 
rived  at  New-France  we  were  forbidden  pray 
ing  one  with  another,  or  joining  together  in 
the  service  of  God. 

The  next  day,  soon  after  we  marched,  we 
had  an  alarm;  on  which  many  of  the  Eng 
lish  were  bound.  I  was  then  near  the  front, 
and  my  masters  not  with  me;  so  I  was  not 
bound.  This  alarm  was  occasioned  by  some 
Indians  shooting  at  geese  that  flew  over  them, 



that  put  them  into  a  considerable  consterna 
tion  and  fright;  but  after  they  came  to  under 
stand  they  were  not  pursued  by  the  English, 
they  boasted,  that  the  English  would  not  come 
out  after  them,  as  they  had  boasted  before 
we  began  our  journey  in  the  morning.  They 
killed  this  day  two  women,  who  were  so  faint 
they  could  not  travel. 

The  next  day,  in  the  morning,  before  we 
travelled,  one  Mary  Brooks,  a  pious  young 
woman,  came  to  the  wigwam  where  I  was, 
and  told  me,  she  desired  to  bless  God,  who 
had  inclined  the  heart  of  her  master  to  let  her 
come  to  take  her  farewell  of  me.  Said  she, 
by  my  falls  on  the  ice  yesterday  I  injured 
myself,  causing  a  miscarriage  this  night,  so 
that  I  am  not  able  to  travel  far;  I  know  they 
will  kill  me  to-day;  but  (says  she)  God  has 
(praised  be  his  name)  by  his  spirit  with  his 
word,  strengthened  me  to  my  last  encounter 
with  death:  And  mentioned  to  me  some  places 
of  Scripture  seasonably  sent  in  for  her  sup 
port.  And  (says  she)  I  am  not  afraid  of  death; 



I  can,  through  the  grace  of  God,  chearfully 
submit  to  the  will  of  God.  Pray  for  me  (said 
she)  at  parting,  that  God  would  take  me  to 
himself.  Accordingly  she  was  killed  that  day. 
I  mention  it  to  the  end,  I  may  stir  up  all  in 
their  young  days,  to  improve  the  death  of 
Christ  by  faith,  to  a  giving  them  an  holy  bold 
ness  in  the  day  of  death. 

The  next  day  we  were  made  to  scatter  one 
from  another  into  smaller  companies;  and  one 
of  my  children  carried  away  with  Indians  be 
longing  to  the  eastern  parts.  At  night  my 
master  came  to  me,  with  my  pistol  in  his  hand, 
and  put  it  to  my  breast,  and  said,  now  I  will 
kill  you,  for  (said  be)  at  your  house  you  would 
have  killed  me  with  it  if  you  could.  But,  by 
the  grace  of  God,  I  was  not  much  daunted; 
and  whatever  his  intention  might  be,  God 
prevented  my  death. 

The  next  day  I  was  again  permitted  to 
pray  with  that  company  of  captives  with  me, 
and  we  allowed  to  sing  a  psalm  together.  Af 
ter  which,  I  was  taken  from  all  the  company 



of  the  English,  excepting  two  children  of  my 
neighbours,  one  of  which,  a  girl  of  four  years 
of  age,  was  killed  by  her  Macqua  master,  the 
next  morning,  the  snow  being  so  deep,  when 
we  left  the  river,  that  he  could  not  carry  the 
child  and  his  pack  too. 

When  the  Sabbath  came,  one  Indian  staid 
with  me,  and  a  little  boy  nine  years  old, 
whilst  the  rest  went  a  hunting.  And  when  I 
was  here,  I  thought  with  myself,  that  God 
had  now  separated  me  from  the  congregation 
of  his  people,  who  were  now  in  his  sanctuary, 
where  he  commandeth  the  blessing,  even  life 
forever;  and  made  to  bewail  my  unfruitful- 
ness  under,  and  unthankfulness  for  such  a 
mercy.  When  my  spirit  was  almost  over 
whelmed  within  me,  at  the  consideration  of 
what  had  passed  over  me,  and  what  was  to 
be  expected,  I  was  ready  almost  to  sink  in  my 
spirit.  But  God  spake  those  words  with  a 
greater  efficacy  than  man  could  speak  them, 
for  my  strengthening  and  support:  Psal.  cxviii. 
17.  /  shall  not  die,  but  live:  And  declare  the 



works  of  the  Lord.  Psalm  xlii.  II.  Why  art 
thou  cast  down,  0  my  soul?  And  why  art  thou 
disquieted  within  me  ?  Hope  thou  in  God;  for 
I  shall  yet  praise  him,  who  is  the  health  of  my 
countenance,  and  my  God.  Nehem.  i.  8,  9. 
Remember,  I  beseech  thee,  the  word  that  thou 
commandest  thy  servant  Moses,  saying,  if  ye 
transgress,  I  will  scatter  you  abroad  among 
the  nations:  But  if  ye  turn  unto  me,  and  keep 
my  commandments,  and  do  them;  though  there 
were  of  you  cast  out  unto  the  uttermost  part  of  the 
heaven,  yet  will  I  gather  them  from  thence,  and 
will  bring  them  unto  the  place  that  I  have 
chosen,  to  set  my  name  there.  These  three 
places  of  Scripture,  one  after  another,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  strengthened  my  hopes,  that 
God  would  to  far  restrain  the  wrath  ^of  the 
adversary,  that  the  greatest  number  of  us  left 
alive,  should  be  carried! through  so  tedious 
a  journey:  That  thoughfmy  children  had  no 
father  to  take  care  of  them,  that  word  quieted 
me  to  a  patient  waiting  to  see  the  end  the 
Lord  would  make,  Jer.  xlix.  n.  Leave  thy 



fatherless  children,  I  will  preserve  them  alive, 
and  let  thy  widows  trust  in  me.  Accordingly 
God  carried  them  wonderfully  through  great 
difficulties  and  dangers.  My  youngest  daugh 
ter,  aged  seven  years,  was  carried  all  the 
journey,  and  looked  after  with  a  great  deal  of 
tenderness.  My  youngest  son,  aged  four 
years,  was  wonderfully  preserved  from  death; 
for  though  they  that  carried  him,  or  drawed 
him  on  sleighs,  were  tired  with  their  journey, 
yet  their  savage  cruel  tempers  were  so  over 
ruled  by  God,  that  they  did  not  kill  him;  but 
in  their  pity,  he  was  spared,  and  others  would 
take  care  of  him;  so  that  four  times  on  the 
journey  he  was  thus  preserved,  till  at  last  he 
arrived  at  Montreal,  where  a  French  gentle 
woman,  pitying  the  child,  redeemed  it  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  heathen.  My  son  Sam 
uel,  and  my  eldest  daughter,  were  pitied,  so 
as  to  be  drawn  on  sleighs,  when  unable  to 
travel.  And  though  they  suffered  very  much 
through  scarcity  of  food,  and  tedious  jour 
neys,  they  were  carried  through  to  Montreal. 



And  my  son  Stephen,  about  eleven  years  of 
age,  wonderfully  preserved  from  death,  in  the 
famine  whereof  three  English  persons  died, 
and  after  eight  months  brought  into  Chamblee. 
My  master  returned  on  the  evening  of  the 
Sabbath,  and  told  me,  he  had  killed  five 
moose.  The  next  day  we  removed  to  the 
place  where  he  had  killed  them.  We  tarried 
there  three  days,  till  we  had  roasted  and  dried 
the  meat.  My  master  made  me  a  pair  of 
snow-shoes,  for  (said  he)  you  cannot  pos 
sibly  travel  without,  the  snow  being  knee- 
deep.  We  parted  from  thence  heavy  laden; 
I  travelled  with  a  burden  on  my  back,  with 
snow-shoes,  twenty-five  miles  the  first  day  of 
wearing  them;  and  again  the  next  day  till 
afternoon;  and  then  we  came  to  the  French 
river.  My  master,  at  this  place,  took  away 
my  pack,  and  drawed  the  whole  load  on  the 
ice;  but  my  bones  seemed  to  be  misplaced, 
and  I  unable  to  travel  with  any  speed.  My 
feet  were  very  sore,  and  each  night  I  wrung 
blood  out  of  my  stockings,  when  I  pulled  them 



off.  My  shins  also  were  very  sore,  being  cut 
with  crusty  snow,  in  the  time  of  my  trav 
elling  without  snow-shoes.  But  finding  some 
dry  oak-leaves,  by  the  river  banks,  I  put  them 
to  my  shins;  and  in  once  applying  of  them, 
they  were  healed.  And  here  my  master  was 
very  kind  to  me,  would  always  give  me  the 
best  he  had  to  eat;  and  by  the  goodness  of 
God,  I  never  wanted  a  meal's  meat,  during 
my  captivity  ;  though  some  of  my  children 
and  neighbours  were  greatly  wounded,  (as 
I  may  say)  with  the  arrows  of  famine  and 
pinching  want;  having  for  many  days  nothing 
but  roots  to  live  upon,  and  not  much  of  them 
neither.  My  master  gave  me  a  piece  of  a 
Bible;  never  disturbing  me  in  reading  the 
Scriptures,  or  in  praying  to  God.  Many  of 
my  neighbours,  also,  found  that  mercy  in  their 
journey,  to  have  Bibles,  psalm  books,  cate 
chisms,  and  good  books,  put  into  their  hands, 
with  liberty  to  use  them;  and  yet  after  their 
arrival  at  Canada,  all  possible  endeavours 
were  used  to  deprive  them  of  them.  Some  of 



them  say,  their  Bibles  were  demanded  by  the 
French  priests,  and  never  re-delivered  to 
them,  to  their  great  grief  and  sorrow. 

My  march  on  the  French  river  was  very 
sore;  for  fearing  a  thaw,  we  travelled  a  very 
great  pace;  my  feet  were  so  bruised,  and  my 
joints  so  distorted  by  my  travelling  in  snow 
shoes,  that  I  thought  it  impossible  to  hold  out. 
One  morning,  a  little  before  break  of  day,  my 
master  came  and  awakened  me  out  of  my 
sleep,  saying,  arise,  pray  to  God,  and  eat  your 
breakfast,  for  we  must  go  a  great  way 
to-day.  After  prayer,  I  arose  from  my  knees, 
but  my  feet  were  so  tender,  swoln,  bruised, 
and  full  of  pain,  that  I  could  scarce  stand 
upon  them,  without  holding  on  the  wigwam. 
And  when  the  Indians  said,  you  must  run  to 
day;  I  answered,  I  could  not  run:  My  master 
pointing  out  to  his  hatchet,  said  to  me,  then 
I  must  dash  out  your  brains,  and  take  off 
your  scalp.  I  said,  I  suppose  then  you  will 
do  so,  for  I  am  not  able  to  travel  with  speed. 
He  sent  me  away  alone  on  the  ice.  About 



sun  half  an  hour  high,  he  over-took  me,  for 
I  had  gone  very  slowly,  not  thinking  it  pos 
sible  to  travel  five  miles.  When  he  came  up, 
he  called  me  to  run;  I  told  him  I  could  go  no 
faster.  He  passed  by  without  saying  one 
word  more;  so  that  sometimes  I  scarce  saw 
any  thing  of  him  for  an  hour  together.  I 
travelled  from  about  break  of  day  till  dark; 
never  so  much  as  set  down  at  noon  to  eat 
warm  victuals;  eating  frozen  meat,  which  I 
had  in  my  coat  pocket,  as  I  travelled.  We 
went  that  day  two  of  their  day's  journey,  as 
they  came  down.  I  judge  we  went  forty  or 
forty-five  miles  that  day.  God  wonderfully 
supported  me;  and  so  far  renewed  my  strength, 
that  in  the  afternoon  I  was  stronger  to  travel 
than  in  the  forenoon.  My  strength  was  re 
stored  and  renewed  to  admiration.  We  should 
never  distrust  the  care  and  compassion  of 
God,  who  can  give  strength  to  them  who 
have  no  might,  and  power  to  them  who  are 
ready  to  faint. 

When  we  entered  on  the  lake,  the  ice  was 



very  rough  and  uneven,  which  was  very  griev 
ous  to  my  feet,  that  could  scarce  endure  to 
be  set  down  on  the  smooth  ice,  on  the  river. 
I  lifted  up  my  cry  to  God  in  ejaculatory  re 
quests,  that  he  would  take  notice  of  my  state, 
and  some  way  or  other  relieve  me.  I  had  not 
marched  above  half  a  mile,  before  there  fell 
a  moist  snow,  about  an  inch  and  half  deep, 
that  made  it  very  soft  for  my  feet,  to  pass 
over  the  lake,  to  the  place  where  my  master's 
family  was.  Wonderful  favours  in  the  midst 
of  trying  afflictions !  We  went  a  day's  jour 
ney  from  the  lake,  to  a  small  company  of  In 
dians,  who  were  a  hunting;  they  were,  after 
their  manner,  kind  to  me,  and  gave  me  the 
best  they  had,  which  was  moose  flesh,  ground 
nuts,  and  cramberries,  but  no  bread.  For  three 
weeks  together  I  eat  no  bread.  After  our 
stay  there,  and  undergoing  difficulties  in  cut 
ting  of  wood,  and  suffering  from  lousiness, 
having  lousy  old  clothes  of  soldiers  put  upon 
me,  when  they  stript  me  of  mine,  to  sell  to 
the  French  soldiers  in  the  army. 



We  again  began  a  march  for  Chamblee;we 
stayed  at  a  branch  of  the  lake,  and  feasted 
two  or  three  days  on  geese  we  killed  there. 
After  another  day's  travel,  we  came  to  a 
river  where  the  ice  was  thawed;  we  made 
a  canoe  of  elm-bark  in  one  day,  and  arrived 
on  a  Saturday  near  noon,  at  Chamblee,  a 
small  village,  where  is  a  garrison  and  fort  of 
French  soldiers. 


This  village  is  about  fifteen  miles  from 
Montreal.  The  French  were  very  kind  to 
me.  A  gentleman  of  the  place  took  me  into 
his  house,  and  to  his  table;  and  lodged  me  at 
night  on  a  good  feather-bed.  The  inhabi 
tants  and  officers  were  very  obliging  to  me, 
the  little  time  I  staid  with  them,  and  promised 
to  write  a  letter  to  the  governour  in  chief,  to 
inform  him  of  my  passing  down  the  river. 
Here  I  saw  a  girl  taken  from  our  town,  and  a 
young  man,  who  informed  me,  that  the  great 
est  part  of  the  captives  were  come  in,  and  that 
two  of  my  children  were  at  Montreal;  that 



many  of  the  captives  had  been  in  three  weeks 
before  my  arrival.  Mercy  in  the  midst  of 
judgment!  As  we  passed  along  the  river  to 
wards  Sorel,  we  went  into  a  house,  where  was 
an  English  woman  of  our  town,  who  had 
been  left  among  the  French  in  order  to  her 
conveyance  to  the  Indian  fort.  The  French 
were  very  kind  to  her,  and  to  myself,  and  gave 
us  the  best  provision  they  had;  and  she  em 
barked  with  us,  to  go  down  to  St.  Francois 
fort.  When  we  came  down  to  the  first  in 
habited  house  at  Sorel,  a  French  woman  came 
to  the  river  side,  and  desired  us  to  go  into  her 
house;  and  when  we  were  entered,  she  corn- 
passioned  our  state,  and  told  us,  she  had  in 
the  last  war  been  a  captive  among  the  Indians, 
and  therefore  was  not  a  little  sensible  of  our 
difficulties.  She  gave  the  Indians  something 
to  eat  in  the  chimney  corner,  and  spread  a 
cloth  on  the  table  for  us  with  napkins;  which 
gave  such  offence  to  the  Indians,  that  they 
hasted  away,  and  would  not  call  in  at  the  fort. 
But  wherever  we  entered  into  houses,  the 



French  were  very  courteous.  When  we  came 
to  St.  Francois  river,  we  found  some  difficulty 
by  reason  of  the  ice;  and  entering  a  French 
man's  house,  he  gave  us  a  loaf  of  bread,  and 
some  fish  to  carry  away  with  us;  but  we  passed 
down  the  river  till  night,  and  there  seven  of 
us  supped  on  the  fish  called  bull-head  or 
pout,  and  did  not  eat  it  up,  the  fish  was  so 
very  large. 

The  next  morning  we  met  with  such  a 
great  quantity  of  ice,  that  we  were  forced  to 
leave  our  canoe,  and  travel  on  land.  We 
went  to  a  French  officer's  house,  who  took  us 
into  a  private  room,  out  of  the  sight  of  the 
Indians,  and  treated  us  very  courteously. 
That  night  we  arrived  at  the  fort  called  St. 
Francois;  where  we  found  several  poor  chil 
dren,  who  had  been  taken  from  the  eastward 
the  summer  before;  a  sight  very  affecting, 
they  being  in  habit  very  much  like  Indians, 
and  in  manners  very  much  symbolizing  with 
them.  At  this  fort  lived  two  Jesuits,  one  of 
which  was  made  superiour  of  the  Jesuits  of 



Quebec.  One  of  these  Jesuits  met  me  at  the 
fort  gate,  and  asked  me  to  go  into  the  church 
and  give  God  thanks  for  preserving  my  life. 
I  told  him  I  would  do  that  in  some  other 
place.  When  the  bell  rang  for  evening  pray 
ers,  he  that  took  me,  bid  me  go;  but  I  refused. 
The  Jesuit  came  to  our  wigwam,  and  prayed 
a  short  prayer,  and  invited  me  to  sup  with 
them,  and  justified  the  Indians  in  what  they 
did  against  us;  rehearsing  some  things  done 
by  Major  Walden,  above  thirty  years  ago; 
and  how  justly  God  retaliated  them  in  the 
last  war,  and  inveighed  against  us  for  begin 
ning  this  war  with  the  Indians:  And  said,  we 
had  before  the  last  winter,  and  in  the 
winter,  been  very  barbarous  and  cruel,  in 
burning  and  killing  Indians.  I  told  them, 
that  the  Indians,  in  a  very  perfidious  manner, 
had  committed  murders  on  many  of  our  in 
habitants,  after  the  signing  articles  of  peace: 
And  as  to  what  they  spake  of  cruelties,  they 
were  undoubtedly  falsehoods,  for  I  well 
knew  the  English  were  not  approvers  of  an 



inhumanity  or  barbarity  towards  enemies. 
They  said,  an  Englishman  had  killed  one  of  St. 
Casteen's  relations,  which  occasioned  this  war; 
for,  say  they,  the  nations,  in  a  general  coun 
sel,  had  concluded  not  to  engage  in  the  war, 
on  any  side,  till  they  themselves  were  first 
molested,  and  then  all  of  them,  as  one,  would 
engage  against  them  that  began  a  war  with 
them;  and  that  upon  the  killing  of  Casteen's 
kinsman,  a  post  was  dispatched  to  Canada, 
to  advertise  the  Macquas,  and  Indians,  that 
the  English  had  begun  a  war:  On  which  they 
gathered  up  their  forces,  and  that  the  French 
joined  with  them,  to  come  down  on  the  eas 
tern  parts;  and  that  when  they  came  near 
New-England,  several  of  the  eastern  Indians 
told  them  of  the  peace  made  with  the  English, 
and  the  satisfaction  given  them  from  the  Eng 
lish  for  that  murder.  But  the  Macquas  told 
them,  it  was  now  too  late;  for  they  were  sent 
for,  and  were  now  come,  and  would  fall  on 
them,  if  without  their  consent  they  made  a 
peace  with  the  English.  Said  also,  that  a 



letter  was  shown  them,  sent  from  the  gover- 
nour  of  Port-Royal,  which,  he  said,  was  taken 
in  an  English  ship,  being  a  letter  from  the 
queen  of  England  to  our  governour,  writing 
how  she  approved  his  designs  to  ensnare  and 
deceitfully  to  seize  on  the  Indians;  so  that 
being  enraged  from  that  letter,  and  being 
forced,  as  it  were,  they  began  the  present 
war.  I  told  them  the  letter  was  a  lie,  forged 
by  the  French. 

The  next  morning  the  bell  rang  for  mass: 
My  master  bid  me  go  to  church:  I  refused: 
He  threatened  me,  and  went  away  in  a  rage. 
At  noon,  the  Jesuits  sent  for  me  to  dine  with 
them;  for  I  eat  at  their  table  all  the  time  I 
was  at  the  fort.  And  after  dinner,  they  told 
me,  the  Indians  would  not  allow  of  any  of 
their  captives  staying  in  their  wigwams,  whilst 
they  were  at  church;  and  were  resolved  by 
force  and  violence  to  bring  us  all  to  church, 
if  we  would  not  go  without.  I  told  them  it 
was  highly  unreasonable  so  to  impose  upon 
those  who  were  of  a  contrary  religion;  and  to 



force  us  to  be  present  at  such  service,  as  we 
abhorred,  was  nothing  becoming  Christianity. 
They  replied,  they  were  savages,  and  would 
not  hearken  to  reason,  but  would  have  their 
wills;  Said  also,  if  they  were  in  New-England 
themselves,  they  would  go  into  their  churches, 
to  see  their  ways  of  worship.  I  answered, 
the  case  was  far  different,  for  there  was  noth 
ing  (themselves  being  judges)  as  to  matter 
or  manner  of  worship,  but  what  was  accord 
ing  to  the  word  of  God,  in  our  churches;  and 
therefore  it  could  not  be  an  offence  to  any 
man's  conscience.  But  among  them,  there 
were  idolatrous  superstitions  in  worship.  They 
said,  Come  and  see,  and  offer  us  conviction 
of  what  is  superstitious  in  worship.  To 
which  I  answered,  That  I  was  not  to  do  evil 
that  good  might  come  on  it;  and  that  forcing 
in  matters  of  religion  was  hateful.  They  an 
swered,  The  Indians  were  resolved  to  have 
it  so,  and  they  could  not  pacify  them  without 
my  coming;  and  they  would  engage  they 
should  offer  no  force  or  violence  to  cause  any 
compliance  with  their  ceremonies.  The 


The  next  mass,  my  master  bid  me  go  to 
church:  I  objected;  he  arose,  and  forcibly 
pulled  me  by  my  head  and  shoulders  out  of 
the  wigwam  to  the  church,  which  was  near 
the  door.  So  I  went  in,  and  sat  down  behind 
the  door;  and  there  saw  a  great  confusion, 
instead  of  any  gospel  order;  for  one  of  the 
Jesuits  was  at  the  altar,  saying  mass  in  a 
tongue  unknown  to  the  savages;  and  the  other, 
between  the  altar  and  the  door,  saying  and 
singing  prayers  among  the  Indians  at  the 
same  time;  and  many  others  were  at  the  same 
time  saying  over  their  pater  nosters,  and  Ave 
Mary,  by  tale  from  their  chapelit,  or  beads  on 
a  string.  At  our  going  out,  we  smiled  at 
their  devotion  so  managed;  which  was  offen 
sive  to  them;  for  they  said  we  made  a  derision 
of  their  worship.  When  I  was  here,  a  cer 
tain  savagess  died;  one  of  the  Jesuits  told  me 
she  was  a  very  holy  woman,  who  had  not 
committed  one  sin  in  twelve  years.  After  a 
day  or  two,  the  Jesuits  asked  me  what  I 
thought  of  their  way,  now  I  saw  it  ?  I  told 



them,  I  thought  Christ  said  of  it,  as  Mark 
vii.  7,  8,  9.  Howbeit,  in  vain  do  they  worship 
me,  teaching  for  doctrines  the  commandments 
of  men.  For  laying  aside  the  commandment 
of  God,  ye  hold  the  tradition  of  men,  as  the 
washing  of  pots  and  cups;  and  many  other 
such  like  things  ye  do.  And  he  said  unto 
them,  Full  well  ye  reject  the  commandment  of 
God,  that  ye  may  keep  your  own  tradition.  They 
told  me,  they  were  not  the  commandments 
of  men  but  apostolical  traditions,  of  equal 
authority  with  the  holy  Scriptures :  And  that 
after  my  death,  I  should  bewail  my  not  pray 
ing  to  the  Virgin  Mary;  and  that  I  should 
find  the  want  of  her  intercession  for  me  with 
her  son;  judging  me  to  hell  for  asserting  the 
Scriptures  to  be  a  perfect  rule  of  faith:  And 
said,  I  abounded  in  my  own  sense,  entertain 
ing  explications  contrary  to  the  sense  of  the 
pope,  regularly  sitting  with  a  general  coun 
cil,  explaining  Scripture,  and  making  articles 
of  faith.  I  told  them,  it  was  my  comfort 
that  Christ  was  to  be  my  judge,  and  not  they, 



at  the  great  day;  and  as  for  their  censuring 
and  judging  me,  I  was  not  moved  with  it. 

One  day,  a  certain  savagess,  taken  prisoner 
in  Philip's  war,  who  had  lived  at  Mr.  Buck 
ley's  at  Weathersfield,  called  Ruth,  who  could 
speak  English  very  well,  who  had  been  often 
at  my  house,  but  was  now  proselyted  to  the 
Romish  faith,  came  into  the  wigwam,  and 
with  her  an  English  maid,  who  was  taken  the 
last  war,  who  was  dressed  up  in  Indian  ap 
parel,  unable  to  speak  one  word  of  English, 
who  said  she  could  neither  tell  her  own  name, 
or  the  name  of  the  place  from  whence  she 
was  taken.  These  two  talked  in  the  Indian 
dialect  with  my  master  a  long  time;  after 
which,  my  master  bade  me  cross  myself;  I 
told  him  I  would  not;  he  commanded  me  sev 
eral  times,  and  I  as  often  refused.  Ruth 
said,  Mr.  Williams,  you  know  the  Scripture, 
and  therfore  act  against  your  own  light;  for 
you  know  the  Scripture  saith,  servants  obey 
your  masters:  he  is  your  master,  and  you  his 
servant.  I  told  her  she  was  ignorant,  and 



knew  not  the  meaning  of  the  Scriptures,  tell 
ing  her,  I  was  not  to  disobey  the  great  God 
to  obey  any  master,  and  that  I  was  ready  to 
suffer  for  God,  if  called  thereto:  On  which 
she  talked  to  my  master;  I  suppose  she 
interpreted  what  I  said.  My  master  took  hold 
of  my  hand  to  force  me  to  cross  myself;  but  I 
struggled  with  him,  and  would  not  suffer  him 
to  guide  my  hand;  upon  this,  he  pulled  off  a 
crucifix  from  his  own  neck,  and  bade  me  kiss 
it;  but  I  refused  once  and  again;  he  told  me 
he  would  dash  out  my  brains  with  his  hatchet 
if  I  refused.  I  told  him  I  should  sooner 
choose  death  than  to  sin  against  God.  Then 
he  ran  and  catched  up  his  hatchet,  and  acted 
as  though  he  would  have  dashed  out  my 
brains.  Seeing  I  was  not  moved,  he  threw 
down  his  hatchet,  saying  he  would  first  bite 
off  all  my  nails  if  I  still  refused.  I  gave  him 
my  hand,  and  told  him  I  was  ready  to  suffer; 
he  set  his  teeth  in  my  thumb  nail,  and  gave 
a  gripe  with  his  teeth,  and  then  said,  no  good 
minister,  no  love  God,  as  bad  as  the  devil;  and 



so  left  off.  I  have  reason  to  bless  God,  who 
strengthened  me  to  withstand.  By  this  he 
was  so  discouraged  as  never  more  to  meddle 
with  me  about  my  religion.  I  asked  leave 
of  the  Jesuits  to  pray  with  those  English  of  our 
town  who  were  with  me;  but  they  absolutely 
refused  to  give  us  any  permission  to  pray  one 
with  another,  and  did  what  they  could  to 
prevent  our  having  any  discourse  together. 

After  a  few  days,  the  Governour  de  Vau- 
dreuil,  governour  in  chief,  sent  down  two  men 
with  letters  to  the  Jesuits,  desiring  them  to 
order  my  being  sent  up  to  him  to  Montreal; 
upon  which,  one  of  the  Jesuits  went  with  my 
two  masters,  and  took  me  along  with  them, 
as  also  two  more  of  Deerfield,  a  man,  and  his 
daughter  about  seven  years  of  age.  When  we 
came  to  the  lake,  the  wind  was  tempestuous, 
and  contrary  to  us,  so  that  they  were  afraid  to 
go  over;  they  landed,  and  kindled  a  fire,  and 
said  they  would  wait  a  while  to  see  whether 
the  wind  would  fall  or  change.  I  went  aside 
from  the  company,  among  the  trees,  and 



spread  our  case,  with  the  temptations  of  it, 
before  God,  and  pleaded  that  he  would  order 
the  season  so,  that  we  might  not  go  back  again, 
but  be  furthered  on  our  voyage,  that  I  might 
have  opportunity  to  see  my  children  and 
neighbours,  and  converse  with  them,  and 
know  their  state.  When  I  returned,  the  wind 
was  more  boisterous;  and  then  a  second  time, 
and  the  wind  was  more  fierce.  I  reflected 
upon  myself  for  my  unquietness,  and  the  want 
of  a  resigned  will  to  the  will  of  God.  And  a 
third  time  went  and  bewailed  before  God  my 
anxious  cares,  and  the  tumultuous  workings 
of  my  own  heart,  begged  a  will  fully  resigned 
to  the  will  of  God,  and  thought  that  by  the 
grace  of  God  I  was  brought  to  say  amen  to 
whatever  God  should  determine.  Upon  my 
return  to  the  company,  the  wind  was  yet 
high:  The  Jesuit  and  my  master  said,  Come, 
we  will  go  back  again  to  the  fort,  for  there  is 
no  likelihood  of  proceeding  in  our  voyage,  for 
very  frequently  such  a  wind  continues  three 
days,  sometimes  six.  After  it  continued  so 



many  hours,  I  said  to  them,  The  will  of  the 
Lord  be  done;  and  the  canoe  was  put  again 
into  the  river,  and  we  embarked.  No  sooner 
had  my  master  put  me  into  the  canoe,  and  put 
off  from  the  shore,  but  the  wind  fell;  and 
coming  into  the  middle  of  the  river,  they  said, 
We  may  go  over  the  lake  well  enough:  And 
so  we  did.  I  promised  if  God  gave  me  oppor 
tunity,  I  would  stir  up  others  to  glorify  God 
in  a  continued  persevering,  committing  their 
straits  of  heart  to  him.  He  is  a  prayer-hear 
ing  God,  and  the  stormy  winds  obey  him. 
After  we  passed  over  the  lake,  the  French, 
wherever  we  came,  were  very  compassionate 
to  us. 


When  I  came  to  Montreal,  which  was  eight 
weeks  after  my  captivity,  the  Governour  de 
Vaudreuil  redeemed  me  out  of  the  hands  of 
the  Indians,  gave  me  good  clothing,  took  me 
to  his  table,  gave  me  the  use  of  a  very  good 
chamber,  and  was  in  all  respects,  relating  to 
my  outward  man,  courteous  and  charitable 



to  admiration.  At  my  first  entering  into  his 
house,  he  sent  for  my  two  children,  who  were 
in  the  city,  that  I  might  see  them;  and  prom 
ised  to  do  what  he  could  to  get  all  my  children 
and  neighbours  out  of  the  hands  of  the  savages. 
My  change  of  diet,  after  the  difficulties  of  my 
journeys,  caused  an  alteration  in  my  body: 
I  was  physicked,  blooded,  and  very  tenderly 
taken  care  of  in  my  sickness.  The  governour 
redeemed  my  eldest  daughter  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  Indians;  and  she  was  carefully  tended 
in  the  hospital,  until  she  was  well  of  her  lame 
ness;  and  by  the  governour  provided  for  with 
respect,  during  her  stay  in  the  country.  My 
youngest  child  was  redeemed  by  a  gentle 
woman  in  the  city,  as  the  Indians  passed  by. 
After  the  Indians  had  been  at  their  fort,  and 
discoursed  with  the  priests,  they  came  back, 
and  offered  to  the  gentlewoman  a  man  for  the 
child,  alleging  that  the  child  could  not  be 
profitable  to  her,  but  the  man  would,  for  he 
was  a  weaver,  and  his  service  would  much 
advance  the  design  she  had  of  making  cloth: 



But  God  over-ruled  so  far,  that  this  tempta 
tion  to  the  woman  prevailed  not  for  an  ex 
change;  for  had  the  child  gone  to  the  Indian 
fort,  in  an  ordinary  way  it  had  abode  there 
still,  as  the  rest  of  the  children  carried  thither 
do.  The  governour  gave  orders  to  certain 
officers  to  get  the  rest  of  my  children  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  as  many  of  my 
neighbours  as  they  could.  After  six  weeks,  a 
merchant  of  the  city  obtained  my  eldest  son, 
who  was  taken  to  live  with  him.  He  took  a 
great  deal  of  pains  to  persuade  the  savages 
to  part  with  him.  An  Indian  came  to  the 
city  (Sagamore  George  of  Pennicook)  from 
Cowass,  and  brought  word  of  my  son  Ste 
phen's  being  near  Cowass,  and  some  money 
was  put  into  his  hand  for  his  redemption,  and 
a  promise  of  full  satisfaction  if  he  brought 
him;  but  the  Indian  proved  unfaithful,  and  I 
never  saw  my  child  till  a  year  after. 

The  governour  ordered  a  priest  to  go 
along  with  me  to  see  my  youngest  daughter 
among  the  Macquas,  and  endeavour  for  her 



ransom.  I  went  with  him;  he  was  very  cour 
teous  to  me;  and  from  his  parish,  which  was 
near  the  Macqua  fort,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
Jesuit,  to  desire  him  to  send  my  child  to  see 
me,  and  to  speak  with  them  who  took  her, 
to  come  along  with  her.  But  the  Jesuit  wrote 
back  a  letter,  That  I  should  not  be  permitted 
to  speak  with,  or  see  my  child;  and  if  I  came, 
my  labour  would  be  lost;  and  that  the  Mac- 
quas  would  as  soon  part  with  their  hearts  as 
my  child.  At  my  return  to  the  city,  I  with  an 
heavy  heart  carried  the  Jesuit's  letter  to  the 
governour,  who,  when  he  read  it,  was  very 
angry,  and  endeavoured  to  comfort  me,  as- 
suring  me  I  should  see  her,  and  speak  with 
her;  and  he  would  to  his  utmost  endeavour  for 
her  ransom.  Accordingly,  he  sent  to  the  Jes 
uits,  who  were  in  the  city,  and  bid  them  im 
prove  their  interest  for  the  obtaining  the 
child.  After  some  days,  he  went  with  me  in 
his  own  person  to  the  fort.  When  we  came 
thither,  he  discoursed  with  the  Jesuits;  after 
which,  my  child  was  brought  into  the  chamber 



where  I  was.  I  was  told  I  might  speak 
with  her,  but  should  be  permitted  to  speak  to 
no  other  English  person  there.  My  child  was 
about  seven  years  old;  I  discoursed  with  her 
near  an  hour;  she  could  read  very  well,  and 
had  not  forgotten  her  catechism;  and  was  very 
desirous  to  be  redeemed  out  of  the  hands  of 
the  Macquas,  and  bemoaned  her  state  among 
them,  telling  me  how  they  profaned  God's 
Sabbaths;  and  said,  She  thought  that  a  few 
days  before  they  had  been  mocking  the  devil, 
and  that  one  of  the  Jesuits  stood  and  looked 
on  them.  I  told  her,  she  must  pray  to  God 
for  his  grace  every  day.  She  said,  she  did 
as  she  was  able,  and  God  helped  her;  but, 
says  she,  They  force  me  to  say  some  prayers 
in  Latin,  but  I  do  not  understand  one  word  of 
them;  I  hope  it  will  not  do  me  any  harm.  I 
told  her,  she  must  be  careful  she  did  not  for 
get  her  catechism,  and  the  Scriptures  she  had 
learnt  by  heart.  She  told  the  captives  after 
I  was  gone,  as  some  of  them  have  since  in 
formed  me,  almost  every  thing  I  spake  to  her; 



and  said,  she  was  much  afraid  she  should  for 
get  her  catechism,  having  none  to  instruct 
her.  I  saw  her  once,  a  few  days  after,  in  the 
city,  but  had  not  many  minutes  of  time  with 
her;  but  what  time  I  had,  I  improved  to  give 
her  the  best  advice  I  could.  The  governour 
laboured  much  for  her  redemption;  at  last  he 
had  a  promise  of  it,  in  case  he  would  procure 
for  them  an  Indian  girl  in  her  stead.  Accord 
ingly,  he  sent  up  the  river,  some  hundreds 
of  leagues,  for  one;  but  it  was  refused,  when 
offered  by  the  governour.  He  offered  them 
an  hundred  pieces  of  eight  for  her  redemp 
tion,  but  it  was  refused.  His  lady  went  over 
to  beg  her  from  them,  but  all  in  vain;  she  is 
there  still;  and  has  forgotten  to  speak  English. 
Oh!  that  all  who  peruse  this  history  would 
join  in  their  fervent  requests  to  God,  with 
whom  all  things  are  possible,  that  this  poor 
child,  and  so  many  others  of  our  children 
who  have  been  cast  upon  God  from  the 
womb,  and  are  now  outcasts  ready  to  perish, 
might  be  gathered  from  their  dispersions, 
and  receive  sanctifying  grace  from  God! 



When  I  had  discoursed  with  the  child,  and 
was  coming  out  of  the  fort,  one  of  the  Jesuits 
went  out  of  the  chamber  with  me,  and  some 
soldiers,  to  convey  me  to  the  canoe.  I  saw 
some  of  my  poor  neighbours,  who  stood  with 
longing  expectations  to  see  me,  and  speak 
with  me,  and  had  leave  from  their  savage 
masters  so  to  do.  I  was  by  the  Jesuit  him 
self  thrust  along  by  force,  and  permitted  only 
to  tell  them  some  of  their  relations  (they  asked 
after)  were  well  in  the  city,  and  that  with  a 
very  audible  voice;  being  not  permitted  to 
come  near  to  them.  After  my  return  to  the 
city  I  was  very  melancholy,  for  I  could  not 
be  permitted  so  much  as  to  pray  with  the 
English,  who  dwelt  in  the  same  house.  And 
the  English,  who  came  to  see  me,  were  most 
of  them  put  back  by  the  guard  at  the  door, 
and  not  suffered  to  come  and  speak  with  me. 
Sometimes  the  guard  was  so  strict  that  I 
could  scarce  go  aside  on  necessary  occasions 
without  a  repulse;  and  whenever  I  went  out 
into  the  city  (a  favour  the  governour  himself 



never  refused  when  I  asked  it  of  him)  there 
were  spies  to  watch  me,  and  to  observe 
whether  I  spake  to  the  English.  Upon  which 
I  told  some  of  the  English,  they  must  be 
careful  to  call  to  mind  and  improve  former 
instructions,  and  endeavour  to  stand  at  a  fur 
ther  distance  for  a  while,  hoping  that  after 
a  short  time  I  should  have  more  liberty  of 
conversing  with  them.  But  some  spies,  sent 
out,  found  on  a  Sabbath  day  more  than 
three  (the  number  we,  by  their  order  pub 
lished,  were  not  to  exeed  together)  of  us  in 
company,  who  informed  the  priest;  the  next 
day  one  of  the  priests  told  me,  I  had  a  greater 
number  of  the  English  with  me,  and  that  I 
had  spoken  something  reflecting  on  their 
religion.  I  spake  to  the  governour,  desiring 
that  no  forcible  means  might  be  used  with 
any  of  the  captives  respecting  their  religion; 
he  told  me,  he  allowed  no  such  thing.  I  am 
persuaded  that  the  governour,  if  he  might 
act  himself,  would  not  have  suffered  such 
things  to  be  done  as  have  been  done,  and  that 



he  never  did  know  of  several  things  acted 
against  the  English. 

At  my  first  coming  to  Montreal,  the  gov- 
ernour  told  me,  I  should  be  sent  home  as 
soon  as  Captain  Battiss  was  returned,  and  not 
before;  and  that  I  was  taken  in  order  to  his 
redemption.  The  governour  sought  by  all 
means  to  divert  me  from  my  melancholy 
sorrows,  and  always  shewed  a  willingness  for 
seeing  my  children.  And  one  day  I  told  him  of 
my  design  of  walking  into  the  city;  he  pleas 
antly  answered,  Go  with  all  my  heart.  His  eld 
est  son  went  with  me  as  far  as  the  door  and  saw 
the  guard  stop  me;  he  went  in  and  informed 
his  father,  who  came  to  the  door  and  asked, 
why  they  affronted  the  gentleman  going  out  ? 
They  said,  it  was  their  order:  But  with  an 
angry  countenance  he  said,  his  orders  were 
that  I  should  not  be  stopt.  But  within  a 
little  time  I  had  my  orders  to  go  down  to 
Quebec.  Another  thing  shewing  that  many 
things  are  done  without  the  governour's  con 
sent,  though  his  name  be  used  to  justify 



them,  (viz.)  I  asked  the  priest,  after  I  had 
been  at  Montreal  two  days,  leave  to  go  and 
see  my  youngest  child;  he  said,  Whenever 
you  would  see  him,  tell  me,  and  I  will  bring 
him  to  you;  for,  says  he,  the  governour  is  not 
willing  you  should  go  thither.  /And  yet,  not 
many  days  after,  when  we  were  at  dinner, 
the  governour's  lady  (seeing  me  sad)  spake 
to  an  officer  at  table,  who  could  speak  Latin, 
to  tell  me,  that  after  dinner  I  should  go  along 
with  them  and  see  my  two  children.  And 
accordingly  after  dinner  I  was  carried  to  see 
them;  and  when  I  came  to  the  house,  I  found 
three  or  four  English  captives,  who  lived 
there,  and  I  had  leave  to  discourse  with  them. 
And  not  long  after,  the  governour's  lady  asked 
me  to  go  along  with  her  to  the  hospital,  to 
see  one  of  my  neighbours  sick  there. 

One  day  one  of  the  Jesuits  came  to  the  gov 
ernour,  and  told  the  company  there,  that  he 
never  saw  such  persons  as  were  taken  from 
Deerfield.  Said  he,  The  Macquas  will  not 
suffer  any  of  their  prisoners  to  abide  in  their 



wigwams  whilst  they  themselves  are  at  mass, 
but  carry  them  with  them  to  the  church,  and 
they  cannot  be  prevailed  with  to  fall  down  on 
their  knees  to  pray  there;  but  no  sooner  are 
they  returned  to  their  wigwams,  but  they  fall 
down  on  their  knees  to  prayer.  He  said, 
they  could  do  nothing  with  the  grown  persons 
there;  and  they  hindered  the  children's  com 
plying.  Whereupon,  the  Jesuits  counselled 
the  Macquas  to  sell  all  the  grown  persons 
from  the  fort;  a  stratagem  to  seduce  poor 
children.  Oh  Lord!  Turn  the  counsels  of 
these  Ahitophels  into  foolishness,  and  make 
the  counsels  of  the  heathen  of  none  effect! 

Here  I  observed,  they  were  wonderfully 
lifted  up  with  pride,  after  the  return  of  Cap 
tain  Montigny  from  Northampton,  with  news 
of  success:  They  boasted  of  their  success 
against  New-England.  And  they  sent  out 
an  army,  as  they  said,  of  seven  hundred  men, 
if  I  mistake  not,  two  hundred  of  whom  were 
French,  in  company  of  which  army  went 
several  Jesuits;  and  said,  they  would  lay  deso 


late  all  the  places  on  Connecticut  river.  The 
superiour  of  the  priests  told  me,  their  gen 
eral  was  a  very  prudent  and  brave  commander 
of  undaunted  courage,  and  doubted  not  but 
they  should  have  great  success.  This  army 
went  away  in  such  a  boasting,  triumphant 
manner,  that  I  had  great  hopes  God  would 
discover  and  disappoint  their  designs;  our 
prayers  were  not  wanting  for  the  blasting 
such  a  bloody  design.  The  superiour  of  the 
priests  said  to  me,  Do  not  flatter  yourselves 
in  hopes  of  a  short  captivity;  for,  said  he, 
there  are  two  young  princes  contending  for 
the  kingdom  of  Spain;  and  a  third,  that  care 
was  to  be  taken  for  his  establishment  on  the 
English  throne.  And  boasted  what  they  would 
do  in  Europe;  and  that  we  must  expect  not 
only  in  Europe,  but  in  New-England,  the  es 
tablishment  of  popery.  I  said,  Glory  not, 
God  can  make  great  changes  in  a  little  time, 
and  revive  his  own  interest,  and  yet  save  his 
poor  afflicted  people.  Said  he,  The  time  for 
miracles  is  past;  and  in  the  time  of  the  last 



war,  the  king  of  France  was,  as  it  were, 
against  all  the  world,  and  yet  did  very  great 
things;  but  now  the  kingdom  of  Spain  is  for 
him,  and  the  duke  of  Bavaria,  and  the  duke 
of  Savoy,  &c.  and  spake  in  a  lofty  manner  of 
great  things  to  be  done  by  them;  and  having 
the  world,  as  I  may  say,  in  subjection  to  them. 

I  was  sent  down  to  Quebec  in  company 
ofGovernour  de  Ramsey,  go vernour  of  Mon 
treal,  and  the  superiour  of  the  Jesuits,  and 
ordered  to  live  with  one  of  the  council;  from 
whom  I  received  many  favours  for  seven 
weeks.  He  told  me,  it  was  the  priests'  do 
ings  to  send  me  down  before  the  governour 
came  down;  and  that  if  I  went  much  to  see 
the  English,  or  they  came  much  to  visit  me, 
I  should  yet  certainly  be  sent  away,  where  I 
should  have  no  converse  with  the  English. 
[At  Q  u  E  B  E  c.] 

After  my  coming  down  to  Quebec,  I  was 
invited  to  dine  with  the  Jesuits,  and  to  my 
face  they  were  civil  enough.     But  after  a  few 
days,  a  young  gentleman  came  to  my  cham 


her,  and  told  me,  that  one  of  the  Jesuits  (af 
ter  we  had  done  dinner)  made  a  few  distichs 
of  verses,  and  gave  them  to  his  scholars  to 
translate  into  French:  He  shewed  them  to 
me.  The  import  of  them  was,  "That  the 
"king  of  France's  grand-son  had  sent  out  his 
"huntsmen,  and  that  they  had  taken  a  wolf, 
"who  was  shut  up,  and  now  he  hopes  the  sheep 
"would  be  in  safety. "  I  knew,  at  the  reading 
of  them,  what  he  aimed  at;  but  held  my  peace, 
as  though  I  had  been  ignorant  of  the  Jesuit's 
intention.  Observing  this  reproaching  spirit, 
I  said  in  my  heart,  If  God  will  bless,  let  men 
curse  if  they  please:  And  I  looked  to  God  in 
Christ,  the  great  shepherd,  to  keep  his  scat 
tered  sheep  among  so  many  Romish  raven 
ous  wolves,  and  to  remember  the  reproaches 
wherewith  his  holy  name,  ordinances,  and 
servants  were  daily  reproached.  And  upon 
an  observation  of  the  time  of  these  verses  be 
ing  composed,  I  find  that  near  the  same  time 
the  bishop  of  Canada,  with  twenty  ecclesias- 
ticks,  were  taken  by  the  English,  as  they 



were  coming  from  France,  and  carried  into 
England  as  prisoners  of  war. 

One  Sabbath  day  morning,  I  observed 
many  signs  of  approaching  rain,  a  great 
moisture  on  the  stones  of  the  hearth  and  chim 
ney  jambs.  I  was  that  day  invited  to  dine  with 
the  Jesuits;  and  when  I  went  up  to  dinner  it 
began  to  rain  a  small  drizzling  rain:  The 
superiour  told  me,  they  had  been  praying  for 
rain  that  morning:  And  lo,  (says  he),  it  begins 
to  rain.  I  told  him,  I  could  tell  him  of  many 
instances  of  God's  hearing  our  prayers  for 
rain.  However,  in  the  afternoon  there  was  a 
general  procession  of  all  orders,  priests,  Jes 
uits  and  friars,  and  the  citizens,  in  great  pomp, 
carrying  (as  they  said)  as  an  holy  relick,  one 
of  the  bones  of  St.  Paul.  The  next  day  I  was 
invited  to  the  priests'  seminary  to  dinner; 
Oh,  said  they,  we  went  in  procession  yester 
day  for  rain,  and  see  what  a  plentiful  rain 
followed.  I  answered,  We  had  been  an 
swered  when  praying  for  rain,  when  no  such 
signs  of  rain,  and  the  beginnings  of  rain 



preceded,  as  now  with  them,  before  they 
appointed  or  began  their  procession,  &c.  How 
ever,  they  upbraided  me,  that  God  did  not 
approve  of  our  religion,  in  that  he  disregarded 
our  prayers,  and  accepted  theirs.  For  (said 
they)  we  heard  you  had  days  of  fasting  and 
prayer  before  the  fleet  came  to  Quebec;  God 
would  not  regard  your  prayers,  but  heard 
ours,  and  almost  in  a  miraculous  way  preser 
ved  us  when  assaulted,  and  refused  to  hear 
your  fast-day  prayers  for  your  preservation, 
but  heard  ours  for  your  desolation,  and  our 
success.  They  boasted  also  of  their  king, 
and  his  greatness,  and  spake  of  him  as  though 
there  could  be  no  settlement  in  the  world  but 
as  he  pleased;  reviling  us  as  in  a  low  and  lan 
guishing  case,  having  no  king,  but  being  under 
the  government  of  a  queen:  And  spake  as 
though  the  duke  of  Bavaria  would  in  a  short 
time  be  emperour.  From  this  day  forward 
God  gave  them  to  hear  sorrowful  tidings  from 
Europe :  That  a  war  was  commenced  against 
the  duke  of  Savoy,  and  so  their  enemies 

increased : 


increased:  Their  bishop  taken,  and  two  mil 
lions  of  wealth  with  him.  News  every  year 
more  distressing  and  impoverishing  to  them; 
and  the  duke  of  Bavaria,  so  far  from  being 
emperour,  that  he  is  dispossessed  of  his  duke 
dom;  and  France,  so  far  from  being  strength 
ened  by  Spain,  that  the  kingdom  of  Spain 
was  like  to  be  an  occasion  of  the  weakening 
and  impoverishing  their  own  kingdom;  they 
themselves  so  reporting.  And  their  great 
army  going  against  New-England  turned  back 
ashamed;  and  they  discouraged  and  dis 
heartened;  and  every  year,  very  exercising 
fears  and  cares,  as  to  the  savages  who  live 
up  the  river.  Before  the  return  of  that  army, 
they  told  me,  We  were  led  up  and  down,  and 
sold  by  the  heathen,  as  sheep  for  the  slaughter, 
and  they  could  not  devise  what  they  should  do 
with  us,  we  should  be  so  many  prisoners,  when 
the  army  returned.  The  Jesuits  told  me,  it 
was  a  great  mercy  that  so  many  of  our  chil 
dren  were  brought  to  them,  and  that  now,  es 
pecially  since  they  were  not  like  speedily  to 



be  returned,  there  was  hope  of  their  being 
brought  over  to  the  Romish  faith.  They 
would  take  the  English  children,  born  among 
them,  and  against  the  consent  of  their  parents, 
baptize  them.  One  Jesuit  came  to  me  and 
asked,  whether  all  the  English  at  Loret,  (a 
place  not  far  from  Quebec,  where  the  savages 
lived),  were  baptized  ?  I  told  him  they  were. 
He  said,  If  they  be  not,  let  me  know  of  it,  that 
I  may  baptize  them,  for  fear  they  should  die 
and  be  damned,  if  they  died  without  bap 
tism.  Says  he,  When  the  savages  went  against 
you,  I  charged  them  to  baptize  all  children 
before  they  killed  them;  such  was  my  desire 
of  your  eternal  salvation,  though  you  were  our 
enemies.  There  was  a  gentleman  called  Mon 
sieur  de  Beauville,  a  captain,  the  brother  of 
the  lord  intendant,  who  was  a  good  friend  to 
me,  and  very  courteous  to  all  the  captives;  he 
lent  me  an  English  Bible,  and  when  he  went 
to  France,  gave  it  me. 

All  means  were  used  to  seduce  poor  souls. 

I  was  invited  one  day  to  dine  with  one  of 



chief  note;  as  I  was  going,  I  met  with  the 
superiour  of  the  Jesuits  coming  out  of  the 
house,  and  he  came  in  after  dinner;  and  pres 
ently  it  was  propounded  to  me,  if  I  would 
stay  among  them,  and  be  of  their  religion,  I 
should  have  a  great  and  honourable  pension 
from  the  king  every  year.  The  superiour  of 
the  Jesuits  turned  to  me,  and  said,  "Sir,  you 
'have  manifested  much  grief  and  sorrow  for 
'your  separation  from  so  many  of  your  neigh- 
' hours  and  children;  if  you  will  now  comply 
'with  this  offer  and  proposal,  you  may  have 
'all  your  children  with  you;  and  here  will  be 
'enough  for  an  honourable  maintenance  for 
'you  and  them. "  I  answered,  Sir,  if  I  thought 
your  religion  to  be  true,  I  would  embrace  it 
freely  without  any  such  offer;  but  so  long  as  I 
believe  it  to  be  what  it  is,  the  offer  of  the  whole 
world  is  of  no  more  value  to  me  than  a  black 
berry;  and  manifested  such  an  abhorrence  of 
this  proposal,  that  I  speedily  went  to  take  my 
leave  and  be  gone.  Oh !  Sir,  (said  he)  sit  down. 
Why  in  such  a  hurry  ?  You  are  alone  in 



your  chamber,  divert  yourself  a  little  longer; 
and  fell  to  other  discourse;  and  within  half 
an  hour  says  again,  Sir,  I  have  one  thing  ear 
nestly  to  request  of  you,  I  pray  pleasure  me! 
I  said,  Let  your  lordship  speak;  said  he,  I 
pray  come  down  to  the  palace  to-morrow 
morning,  and  honour  me  with  your  company 
in  my  coach  to  the  great  church,  it  being  then 
a  saint's  day.  I  answered,  Ask  me  any  thing 
wherein  I  can  serve  you  with  a  good  con 
science,  and  I  am  ready  to  gratify  you,  but  I 
must  ask  your  excuse  here;  and  immediately 
went  away  from  him.  Returning  unto  my 
chamber,  I  gave  God  thanks  for  his  uphold 
ing  of  me;  and  also  made  an  inquiry  with 
myself,  whether  I  had,  by  any  action,  given 
encouragement  for  such  a  temptation. 
Not  many  days  after,  and  a  few  days  be 
fore  Governour  de  VaudreuiFs  coming  down, 
I  was  sent  away,  fifteen  miles  down  the  river, 
that  I  might  not  have  opportunity  of  converse 
with  the  English.  I  was  courteously  treated 



by  the  French,  and  the  priest  of  that  parish; 
they  told  me  he  was  one  of  the  most  learned 
men  in  the  country;  he  was  a  very  ingenious 
man,  zealous  in  their  way,  but  yet  very 
familiar.  I  had  many  disputes  with  the  priests 
who  came  thither;  and  when  I  used  their  own 
authors  to  confute  some  of  their  positions, 
my  books,  borrowed  of  them,  were  taken  away 
from  me,  for  they  said,  I  made  an  ill  use  of 
them.  They  having,  many  of  them,  boasted 
of  their  unity  in  doctrine  and  profession,  were 
loth  I  should  show  them,  from  their  own  best 
approved  authors,  as  many  different  opinions 
as  they  could  charge  against  us.  Here,  again, 
a  gentleman,  in  the  presence  of  the  old  bishop 
and  a  priest,  offered  me  his  house,  and  whole 
living,  with  assurance  of  honour,  wealth  and 
employment,  if  I  would  embrace  their  ways. 
I  told  them,  I  had  an  indignation  of  soul 
against  such  offers  on  such  terms,  as  parting 
with  what  was  more  valuable  than  all  the 
world;  alleging,  What  is  a  man  profited  if  he 
gain  the  whole  world,  and  lose  his  own  soul? 



or  what  shall  a  man  give  in  exchange  for  h  is 
soul?  I  was  sometimes  told,  I  might  have 
all  my  children  if  I  would  comply,  and  must 
never  expect  to  have  them  on  any  other  terms. 
I  told  them,  my  children  were  dearer  to  me 
than  all  the  world,  but  I  would  not  deny 
Christ  and  his  truths  for  the  having  of  them 
with  me;  I  would  still  put  my  trust  in  God, 
who  could  perform  all  things  for  me. 

I  am  persuaded  that  the  priest  of  that  par 
ish,  where  I  kept,  abhorred  their  sending  down 
the  heathen  to  commit  outrages  against  the 
English,  saying,  it  was  more  like  committing 
murders,  than  managing  a  war.  In  my  con 
finement  in  this  parish,  I  had  my  undis 
turbed  opportunities  to  be  humbly  implor 
ing  grace  for  ourselves,  for  soul  and  body,  for 
his  protecting  presence  with  New-England, 
and  his  disappointing  the  bloody  designs  of 
enemies;  that  God  would  be  a  little  sanctuary 
to  us  in  a  land  of  captivity,  and  that  our 
friends  in  New-England  might  have  grace  to 
make  a  more  thankful  and  fruitful  improve 


ment  of  the  means  of  grace  than  we  had  done; 
who,  by  our  neglects,  find  ourselves  out  of 
God's  sanctuary. 

On  the  twenty-first  of  October,  1704,  I 
received  some  letters  from  New-England,  with 
an  account  that  many  of  our  neighbours  es 
caped  out  of  the  desolations  in  the  fort,  and 
that  my  dear  wife  was  carried  back,  and  de 
cently  buried:  And  that  my  eldest  son,  who 
was  absent  in  our  desolation,  was  sent  to 
college,  and  provided  for;  which  occasioned 
thanksgiving  to  God  in  the  midst  of  afflic 
tions,  and  caused  prayers,  even  in  Canada, 
to  be  going  daily  up  to  Heaven  for  a  blessing 
upon  benefactors,  showing  such  kindness  to 
the  desolate  and  afflicted.  The  consideration 
of  such  crafty  designs  to  ensnare  young  ones, 
and  to  turn  them  from  the  simplicity  of  the 
gospel  to  Romish  superstition,  was  very  exer 
cising;  sometimes  they  would  tell  me  my  chil 
dren,  sometimes  my  neighbours,  were  turned 
to  be  of  their  religion.  Some  made  it  their 
work  to  allure  poor  souls  by  flatteries  and  great 



promises,  some  threatened,  some  offered  abus 
ive  carnage  to  such  as  refused  to  go  to  church 
and  be  present  at  mass.  Some  they  indus 
triously  contrived  to  get  married  among  them. 
A  priest  drew  up  a  compendium  of  the  Roman 
Catholick  faith,  and  pretended  to  prove  it  by 
the  Scriptures,  telling  the  English,  that  all 
they  required  was  contained  in  the  Scrip 
tures,  which  they  acknowledged  to  be  the 
rule  of  faith  and  manners;  but  it  was  by 
Scriptures  horribly  perverted  and  abused.  I 
could  never  come  to  the  sight  of  it,  (though 
I  often  earnestly  entreated  a  copy  of  it),  until 
I  was  on  shipboard,  for  our  voyage  to  New- 
England;  but  hearing  of  it,  I  endeavoured  to 
possess  the  English  with  their  danger  of  being 
cheated  with  such  a  pretence.  I  understood 
they  would  tell  the  English  that  I  was  turned, 
that  they  might  gain  them  to  change  their 
religion.  These  their  endeavours  to  seduce 
to  popery  were  very  exercising  to  me:  And  in 
my  solitariness  I  drew  up  these  following 
sorrowful,  mournful  considerations,  though 



unused  to,  and  unskilful  in  poetry,  yet  in  a 
plain  style,  for  use  of  some  of  the  captives, 
who  would  sometimes  make  their  secret  visits 
to  me,  which,  at  the  desire  of  some  of  them, 
are  here  made  publick. 

Some  contemplations  of  the  poor  and  desolate 
state  of  the  church  at  Deerfield. 

THE  sorrows  of  my  heart  enlarged  are, 
Whilst  I  my  present  state  with  past  compare. 
I  frequently  unto  God's  house  did  go, 
With  Christian  friends,  his  praises  forth  to 


But  now,  I  solitary  sit,  both  sigh  and  cry, 
Whilst  my  flock's  misery  think  on  do  I. 

Many,  both  old    &  young,  were  slain  out 

Some,  in  a  bitter  season,  took  their  flight. 
Some  burnt  to  death,  and  others  stifled  were; 
The  enemy  no  sex  or  age  would  spare. 
The  tender  children,  with  their  parents  sad, 
Are  carried  forth  as  captives,  some  unclad. 



Some  murdered  in  the  way,  unburied  left, 
And  some,  through  famine,  were  of  life  bereft. 
After  a  tedious  journey,  some  are  sold, 
Some  kept  in  heathen  hands,  all  from  Christ's 


By  popish  rage,  and  heath'nish  cruelty, 
Are  banished.     Yea  some  compell'd  to  be 
Present  at  mass.     Young  children  parted  are 
From  parents,  and  such  as  instructors  were. 
Crafty  designs  are  us'd  by  papists  all, 
In  ignorance  of  truth,  them  to  inthrall. 
Some     threatened      are,    unless     they     will 


In  heathen's  hands  again  be  made  to  lie. 
To  some,  large  promises  are  made,  if  they 
Will  truths  renounce,  &  choose  their  popish 


Oh  Lord !  mine  eyes  on  thee  shall  waiting  be, 
Till  thou  again  turn  our  captivity. 
Their  Romish  plots,  thou  canst  confound;  & 


This  little  flock,  this  mercy  I  do  crave. 
Save  us  from  all  our  sins,  and  yet  again 



Deliver  us  from  them  who  truth  disdain. 
Lord!   for   thy   mercy   sake,   thy   cov'nant 

And  in  thy  house  again,  rest  let  us  find. 

So  we  thy  praises  forth  will  shew,  and  speak 
of  all  thy  wond'rous  works,  yea  we  will  seek 
The  advancement  of  thy  great  and  glorious 

Thy  rich  and  sovereign  grace  we  will  proclaim. 

THE  hearts  of  some  were  ready  to  be  dis 
couraged  and  sink,  saying,  They  were  out  of 
sight,and  so  out  of  mind.  I  endeavoured  to 
persuade  them  we  were  not  forgotten,  that 
undoubtedly  many  prayers  were  continually 
going  up  to  heaven  for  us.  Not  long  after, 
came  Captain  Livingston,  and  Mr.  Sheldon, 
with  letters  from  his  excellency  our  gover- 
nour  to  the  governour  of  Canada,  about  the 
exchange  of  prisoners;  which  gave  a  revival 
to  many,  and  raised  expectations  of  a  return. 
These  visits  from  New-England  to  Canada, 
so  often,  greatly  strengthened  many  who 



were  ready  to  faint;  and  gave  some  check 
to  the  designs  of  the  papists  to  gain  prose 
lytes.  But  God's  time  of  deliverance  was  not 
yet  come;  as  to  some  particular  persons,  their 
temptations  and  trials  were  increased;  and 
some  abused,  because  they  refused  a 
compliance  with  their  superstitions.  A  young 
woman  of  our  town  met  with  a  new  trial;  for 
on  a  day,  a  Frenchman  came  into  the  room 
where  she  was,  and  shewed  her  his  beads,  and 
boasted  of  them,  putting  them  near  to  her; 
she  knocked  them  out  of  his  hands  on  the 
floor;  for  which  she  was  beaten,  and  threat 
ened  with  death,  and  for  some  days  impris 
oned.  I  pleaded  with  God  his  over-ruling 
this  first  essay  for  the  deliverance  of  some,  as 
a  pledge  of  the  rest  being  delivered  in  due 
time.  I  implored  Captain  de  Beauville,  who 
had  always  been  very  friendly,  to  intercede 
with  the  governour  for  the  return  of  my  eld 
est  daughter;  and  for  his  purchasing  my  son 
Stephen  from  the  Indians  at  St.  Francois 
fort;  and  for  liberty  to  go  up  and  see  my 



children  and  neighbours  at  Montreal.  Di 
vine  providence  appeared  to  the  moderating 
my  affliction,  in  that  five  English  persons  of 
our  town  were  permitted  to  return  with  Cap 
tain  Livingston,  among  whom  went  my  eld 
est  daughter.  And  my  son  Stephen  was 
redeemed,  and  sent  to  live  with  me:  He  was 
almost  quite  naked,  and  very  poor;  he  had 
suffered  much  among  the  Indians.  One  of 
the  Jesuits  took  upon  him  to  come  to  the  wig 
wam  and  whip  him,  on  some  complaint  that 
the  squaws  had  made,  that  he  did  not  work 
enough  for  them.  As  to  my  petition  for  go 
ing  up  to  Montreal  to  see  my  children  and 
neighbours,  it  was  denied;  as  my  former 
desire  of  coming  up  to  the  city,  before  Cap 
tain  Livingston's  coming  was.  r  God  granted 
me  favour  as  to  two  of  my  petitions,  but  yet 
brought  me  by  his  grace  to  be  willing,  that 
he  should  glorify  himself  in  disposing  of  me 
and  mine  as  he  pleased,  and  knew  to  be  most 
for  his  glory:  And  almost  always  before  any 
remarkable  favour,  I  was  brought  to  lie 



down  at  the  foot  of  God,  and  made  to  be 
willing  that  God  should  govern  the  world 
so  as  might  be  most  for  his  own  honour,  and 
brought  to  resign  all  to  his  holy  sovereignty: 
A  frame  of  spirit,  when  wrought  in  me  by  the 
grace  of  God,  giving  the  greatest  content  and 
satisfaction;  and  very  often  a  fore-runner  of 
the  mercy  asked  of  God,  or  a  plain  demonstra 
tion,  that  the  not  obtaining  my  request  was 
best  for  me.  I  had  no  small  refreshing,  in 
having  one  of  my  children  with  me  for  four 
months.  And  the  English  were,  many  of 
them,  strengthened  with  hopes,  that  the 
treaty  betwixt  the  governments  would  issue  in 
opening  a  door  of  escape  for  all. 

In  August,  Mr.  Dudley,  and  Captain  Vetch 
arrived,  and  great  encouragements  were  given 
as  to  an  exchange  of  all  in  the  spring  of  the 
year:  And  some  few  again  were  sent  home; 
among  whom  I  obtained  leave  to  send  my  son 

Upon  Mr.  Dudley's  and  Captain  Vetch's 
petitioning,  I  was  again  permitted  to  go  up 



to  Quebec;  but  disputing  with  a  mendicant 
friar,  who  said  he  was  an  Englishman  sent 
from  France,  to  endeavour  the  conversion  of 
the  English  at  Quebec,  who  arrived  at  Can 
ada  whilst  our  gentlemen  were  there,  I  was, 
by  the  priests'  means,  ordered  to  return  again 
to  Chateauviche,  and  no  other  reason  given, 
but  because  I  discoursed  with  that  priest, 
and  their  fear  I  should  prevent  his  success 
amongst  the  captives.  But  God  shewed  his 
dislike  of  such  a  persecuting  spirit;  for  the 
very  next  day,  which  was  September  20,  O. 
S.  October  i,  N.  S.  the  seminary,  a  very  fa 
mous  building,  was  most  of  it  burnt  down, 
occasioned  by  a  joiner's  letting  a  coal  of  fire 
drop  among  the  shavings.  The  chapel  in 
the  priests'  garden,  and  the  great  cross,  were 
burnt  down;  the  library  of  the  priests  burnt 
up.  This  seminary  and  another  library  had 
been  burnt  but  about  three  years  before.  The 
day  after  my  being  sent  away,  by  the  priests' 
means,  from  Quebec,  at  first,  there  was  a 
thunder-storm,  and  the  lightning  struck  the 



seminary    in    the    very   place  where  the  fire 
now  began. 

A  little  before  Mr.  Dudley's  arrival,  came 
a  soldier  into  my  landlord's  house,  barefoot 
and  barelegged,  going  on  a  pilgrimage  to 
Sainte  Anne*:  For,  said  he,  my  captain,  who 
died  some  years  ago,  appeared  to  me,  and  told 
me  he  was  in  purgatory;  and  told  me 
I  must  go  a  pilgrimage  to  Sainte  Anne, 
doing  penance,  and  get  a  mass  said  for  him, 
and  then  he  should  be  delivered.  Many  be 
lieved  him,  and  were  much  affected  with  it; 
came  and  told  me  of  it,  to  gain  my  credit  of 
their  devised  purgatory.  The  soldier  told 
me,  the  priests  had  counselled  him  to  under 
take  this  pilgrimage.  And,  I  am  apt  to  think, 
ordered  his  calling  in  at  my  landlord's,  that  I 
might  see  and  speak  with  him.  I  laughed  at 
the  conceit,  that  a  soldier  must  be  pitched 
upon  to  be  sent  on  this  errand;  but  they  were 
much  displeased,  and  lamented  my  obstinacy, 


*  Sainte  Anne  de  Beaupre,  a  village  containing  a  famous  shrine, 
near  the  Falls  of  Montmorency,  22  miles  below  Quebec. 


in  that  I  would  not  be  reclaimed  from  a  denial 
of  purgatory  by  such  a  miraculous  providence. 

As  I  was  able,  I  spread  the  case  before 
God,  beseeching  of  him  to  disappoint  them 
of  their  expectations  to  proselyte  any  of  the 
captives  by  this  stratagem;  and  by  the  good 
ness  of  God,  it  was  not  very  serviceable;  for 
the  soldier's  conversation  was  such,  that 
several  among  the  French  themselves  judged  it 
to  be  a  forgery.  And  though  the  captain 
spoken  of,  was  the  governour's  lady's  brother, 
I  never  more  heard  any  concernment  or  care 
to  get  him  out  of  purgatory. 

One  of  the  parish,  where  I  lived,  told  me, 
that  on  the  twenty-second  of  July,  1705,  he 
was  at  Quebec,  at  the  mendicant  friar's 
church,  on  one  of  their  feast  days,  in  honour 
of  a  great  saint  of  their  order,  and  that  at 
five  o'clock  mass,  in  the  morning,  near  two 
hundred  persons  being  present,  a  great  grey 
cat  brake  or  pushed  aside  some  glass,  entered 
into  the  church,  passed  along  near  the  altar, 
and  put  out  five  or  six  candles,  which  were 



burning;  and  that  no  one  could  tell  which 
way  the  cat  went  out;  and  he  thought  it  was 
the  devil. 

When  I  was  in  the  city  in  September,  I 
saw  two  English  maids,  who  had  lived  with 
the  Indians  a  long  time.  They  told  me,  that 
an  Indian  had  died  at  the  place  where  they 
were;  and  that  when  sundry  of  his  relations 
were  together,  in  order  to  attend  his  burial, 
the  dead  arose,  and  informed  them,  "That 
at  his  death  he  went  to  hell,  and  there  he  saw 
all  the  Indians  that  had  been  dead  since  their 
embracing  the  popish  religion;  and  warned 
them  to  leave  it  off,  or  they  would  be  damned 
too;"  and  laid  down  dead  again.  They  said, 
the  Indians  were  frightened,  and  very  melan 
choly,  but  the  Jesuit,  to  whom  they  told  this, 
told  them  it  was  only  a  delusion  of  the  devil, 
to  draw  them  away  from  the  true  religion;  add 
ing,  that  he  knew  for  certain  that  all  those 
Indians  who  had  been  dead,  spoken  of  by 
that  Indian,  were  in  heaven;  only  one  squaw 
was  gone  to  hell,  who  died  without  baptism. 



These  maids  said  also,  that  many  of  the 
Indians  much  lamented  their  making  a  war 
against  the  English,  at  the  instigation  of  the 

The  priests,  after  Mr.  Dudley's  going  from 
Canada,  were  ready  to  think  their  time  was 
short  for  gaining  English  proselytes,  and 
doubled  their  diligence  and  wiles  to  gain  over 
persons  to  their  persuasion.  I  improved  all 
opportunities  I  could,  to  write  to  the  English, 
that  in  that  way  I  might  be  serviceable  to 
them.  But  many  or  most  of  my  letters, 
treating  about  religion,  were  intercepted,  and 
burnt.  I  had  a  letter  sent  down  to  me  by 
order  of  the  governour,  that  I  had  liberty  of 
writing  to  my  children  and  friends,  which 
should  be  continued,  provided  I  wrote  about 
indifferent  things,  and  said  nothing  in  them 
about  the  points  in  controversy  between  them 
and  us:  And  if  I  were  so  hardy  as  to  write 
letters  otherwise,  they  should  endeavour  to 
prevent  their  being  delivered.  Accordingly, 
I  found  many  of  them  were  burnt.  But 



sometimes  notice  would  be  given  to  the  En 
glish,  that  there  were  letters  written,  but  that 
they  were  burnt;  so  that  their  writing  was 
somewhat  useful,  though  never  perused  by 
the  English,  because  they  judged  those  let 
ters  condemned  popery.  Many  of  our  let 
ters,  written  from  New-England,  were  never 
delivered,  because  of  some  expressions  about 
religion  in  them.  And,  as  I  said  before,  after 
Mr.  Dudley's  departure  from  Quebec,  en 
deavours  were  very  vigorous  to  seduce.  Some 
were  flattered  with  large  promises,  others 
were  threatened,  and  beaten,  because  they 
would  not  turn.  And  when  two  English 
women,  who  had  always  opposed  their  relig 
ion,  were  sick  in  the  hospital,  they  kept  with 
them  night  and  day,  till  they  died;  and  their 
friends  kept  from  coming  to  visit  them.  Af 
ter  their  death,  they  gave  out,  that  they  died 
in  the  Romish  faith,  and  were  received  into 
their  communion.  Before  their  death,  masses 
were  said  for  them;  and  they  were  buried  in 
the  church  yard,  with  all  their  ceremonies. 



And  after  this,  letters  were  sent  to  all  parts, 
to  inform  the  English,  that  these  two  women 
turned  to  their  religion  before  their  death; 
and  that  it  concerned  them  to  follow  their  ex 
ample,  for  they  could  not  be  more  obstinate 
than  those  women  were,  in  their  health, 
against  the  Romish  faith,  and  yet  on  a  death 
bed  embraced  it.  They  told  the  English  who 
lived  near,  that  our  religion  was  a  dangerous 
religion  to  die  in.  But  I  shall  hereafter  relate 
the  just  grounds  we  have  to  think  these  things 
were  falsehoods. 

I  was  informed,  there  was  an  English  girl 
bid  to  take  and  wear  the  cross,  and  cross  her 
self:  She  refused;  they  threatened  her,  and 
shewed  her  the  cross.  At  length,  she  had  her 
choice,  either  to  cross  herself,  and  take  the 
cross,  or  be  whipt,  she  chose  to  be  whipt;  and 
they  made  as  though  they  would  correct  her; 
but  seeing  her  choosing  indeed  to  suffer 
rather  than  comply,  they  desisted,  and  tied 
the  cross  about  her  neck.  Some  were  taken 
and  shut  up  among  their  religious,  and  all 
sorts  of  means  used  to  gain  them.  I 


I  received  a  letter  from  one  of  my  neigh 
bours,  wherein  he  thus  bewails:  "I  obtained 
'leave  of  my  master  to  go  to  the  Macqua 
'fort,  to  see  my  children,  that  I  had  not  seen 
'  for  a  long  time.  I  carried  a  letter  from  my 
'master,  to  shew  that  I  had  leave  to  come. 
'When  I  came  to  the  fort,  I  heard  one  of  my 
'children  was  in  the  woods.  I  went  to  see  a 
'boy  I  had  there,  who  lived  with  one  of  the 
'Jesuits;  I  had  just  asked  him  of  his  welfare; 
'he  said  his  master  would  come  presently; 
'  he  durst  not  stay  to  speak  with  me  now,  be- 
'ing  in  such  awe  of  his  master.  On  which,  I 
'withdrew;  and  when  his  master  came  in,  I 
'went  and  asked  leave  of  him  to  speak  with 
'my  child,  and  shewed  him  my  letter.  But 
'he  absolutely  refused  to  let  me  see  or  speak 
'with  him;  and  said,  I  had  brought  no  letter 
'from  the  governour,  and  would  not  permit 
'me  to  stay  in  the  fort,  though  I  had  trav- 
'elled  on  foot  near  fifty  miles,  for  no  other 
'errand  than  to  see  and  speak  with  my 



The  same  person,  with  another  English 
man,  last  spring,  obtained  leave  of  the  gover- 
nour  general  to  go  to  the  same  fort  on  the 
same  errand,  and  carried  letters  from  the 
governour  to  the  Jesuits,  that  he  might  be  per 
mitted  to  speak  with  his  children.  The  letter 
was  delivered  to  the  Jesuits;  who  told  him, 
his  son  was  not  at  home,  but  gone  a  hunting: 
Whereas  he  was  hid  from  them,  as  he  heard 
afterward;  so  the  poor  man  lost  his  labour  a 
second  time.  These  men  say,  that  when  they 
returned  to  Montreal,  one  Laland,  who  was 
appointed  as  a  spy,  always  to  observe  the 
motions  of  the  English,  told  them,  that  one  of 
the  Jesuits  had  come  in  before  them,  and  had 
told  the  governour  that  the  lad  was  gone  out 
a  hunting:  And  that  the  Englishman,  who  ac 
companied  this  poor  man,  went  out  into  the 
woods,  in  hopes  of  finding  the  lad;  and  saw 
him,  but  the  lad  run  away;  and  that  he  fol 
lowed  him,  and  called  after  him,  but  he  would 
not  stop;  but  holding  out  a  gun,  threatened  to 
shoot  him  down,  if  he  followed  him;  and  so 



he  was  discouraged,  and  turned  back.  And, 
says  Laland,  you  will  never  leave  going  to 
see  your  children  and  neighbours,  till  some 
of  you  are  killed.  But  the  men  told  him,  it 
was  an  absolute  lie,  let  who  would  report  it; 
for  they  had  neither  seen  the  lad,  nor  did  they 
go  into  the  woods  to  search  after  him.  They 
judge  this  was  told  to  the  governour,  to  pre 
vent  any  English  for  the  future  going  to  see 
their  children  and  neighbours.  Some  of  ours 
say,  they  have  been  little  better  than  abso 
lutely  promised  to  have  their  children,  who 
are  among  the  savages,  in  case  they  them 
selves  would  embrace  popery.  And  that  the 
priests  had  said,  they  had  rather  the  children 
should  be  among  the  Indians,  as  they  were, 
than  be  brought  out  by  the  French,  and  so  be 
in  readiness  to  return  for  New-England. 

A  maid  of  our  town  was  put  into  a  religious 
house,  among  the  nuns,  for  more  than  two 
years,  and  all  sorts  of  means,  by  flatteries, 
threatenings,  and  abusive  carriages,  used  to 
bring  her  to  turn.  They  offered  her  money, 



which  when  refused,  especially  the  latter  part 
of  the  time,  they  threatened  her  very  much; 
sent  for  her  before  them,  and  commanded  her 
to  cross  herself.  She  refused,  they  hit  her  a 
box  on  the  ear;  bid  her  again,  still  she  refused. 
They  ordered  a  rod  with  six  branches  full  of 
knots  to  be  brought;  and  when  she  refused, 
they  struck  her  on  the  hands,  still  renewing 
their  commands;  and  she  stood  to  her  re 
fusals,  till  her  hands  were  rilled  with  wales, 
with  the  blows.  But  one  said,  Beat  her  no 
more,  we  will  give  her  to  the  Indians,  if  she 
will  not  turn.  They  pinched  her  arms  till 
they  were  black  and  blue;  and  made  her  go 
into  their  church;  and  because  she  would  not 
cross  herself,  struck  her  several  blows  with 
their  hands  on  her  face.  A  squaw  was  brought 
in,  and  said,  she  was  sent  to  fetch  her  to  the 
Indians;  but  she  refused;  the  squaw  went 
away,  and  said,  she  would  bring  her  husband 
with  her  to-morrow,  and  she  should  be  carried 
away  by  force.  She  told  me,  she  remembered 
what  I  told  her  one  day,  after  the  nuns  had 



threatened  to  give  her  away  to  the  Indians; 
that  they  only  said  so  to  affright  her,  that  they 
never  would  give  her  away.  The  nuns  told 
her,  she  should  not  be  permitted  any  more  to 
speak  to  the  English;  and  that  they  would 
afflict  her  without  giving  her  any  rest,  if  she 
refused.  But  God  preserved  her  from 
falling.  This  poor  girl  had  many  prayers  go 
ing  up  to  Heaven  for  her  daily,  and  by  name, 
because  her  trials  were  more  known  to  some 
of  the  English,  than  the  trials  of  others, 
who  lived  more  remote  from  them. 

Here  might  be  a  history  by  itself,  of  the 
trials  and  sufferings  of  many  of  our  children, 
and  young  ones,  who  have  been  abused,  and 
after  separation  from  grown  persons,  made 
to  do  as  they  would  have  them. 

I  shall  here  give  an  account  of  what  was 
done  to  one  of  my  children,  a  boy  between 
fifteen  and  sixteen  years  of  age,  two  hundred 
miles  distant  from  me,  which  occasioned 
grief  and  sorrow,  that  I  want  words  to  utter; 
and  yet  kept  under  such  awe,  that  he  never 



durst  write  any  thing  to  me,  for  fear  of  being 
discovered  in  writing  about  religion.  They 
threatened  to  put  him  to  the  Indians  again, 
if  he  would  not  turn;  telling  him,  he  was  never 
bought  out  of  their  hands,  but  only  sojourned 
with  them,  but  if  he  would  turn,  he  should 
never  be  put  into  their  hands  any  more.  The 
priests  would  spend  whole  days  in  urging 
him.  He  was  sent  to  school  to  learn  to  read 
and  write  French;  the  school-master  some 
times  flattered  him  with  promises,  if  he  would 
cross  himself;  then  threatened  him  if  be  would 
not.  But  when  he  saw  flattering  promises 
of  rewards,  and  threatenings,  were  ineffec 
tual,  he  struck  him  with  a  stick  he  had  in  his 
hand;  and  when  he  saw  that  would  not  do, 
he  made  him  get  down  on  his  knees  about  an 
hour;  and  then  came  and  bid  him  make  the 
sign  of  the  cross,  and  that  without  any  delay; 
he  still  refused.  Then  he  gave  him  a  couple 
of  strokes,  with  a  whip  he  had  in  his  hand; 
which  whip  had  three  branches,  and  about 
twelve  great  knots  tied  in  it.  And  again  bid 



him  make  the  sign  of  the  cross;  and  if  it  was 
any  sin,  he  would  bear  it  himself:  And  said 
also,  You  are  afraid  you  shall  be  changed  if 
you  do  it:  But  (said  he)  you  will  be  the  same, 
your  fingers  will  not  be  changed.  And  after 
he  had  made  him  shed  many  tears,  under  his 
abuses  and  threatenings,  he  told  him,  he 
would  have  it  done:  And  so  through  coward 
ice  and  fear  of  the  whip,  he  made  the  sign. 
And  did  so  for  several  days  together,  with 
much  ado,  he  was  brought  to  cross  himself. 
And  then  the  master  told  him,  he  would  have 
it  done  without  his  particular  bidding  him. 
And  when  he  came  to  say  his  lesson,  and 
crossed  not  himself,  the  master  said,  have 
you  forgot  what  I  bid  you  do  ?  No,  sir,  said 
he;  then  the  schoolmaster  said,  Down  on  your 
knees;  and  so  kept  him  for  an  hour  and  half, 
till  school  was  done;  and  so  did  for  about  a 
week.  When  he  saw  this  would  not  do,  he 
took  the  whip,  What,  will  not  you  do  it,  (said 
he),  I  will  make  you:  And  so  again  frighted 
him  to  a  compliance.  After  this,  he  com 


manded  him  to  go  to  the  church:  When  he 
refused,  he  told  him,  he  would  make  him. 
And  one  morning  sent  four  of  the  biggest 
boys  of  the  school,  to  draw  him  by  force  to 
mass.  These,  with  other  severities  and  witty 
stratagems,  were  used;  and  I  utterly  ignorant 
of  any  attempt  made  upon  him,  to  bring  him 
to  change  his  religion.  His  fear  was  such 
that  he  never  durst  write  any  of  these  things, 
lest  his  letters  should  fall  into  their  hands,  and 
he  should  again  be  delivered  to  the  Indians. 
Hearing  of  an  opportunity  of  writing  to  him 
by  one  of  the  parish  where  I  was,  going  up  to 
Montreal,  I  wrote  a  letter  to  him,  and  had  by 
him  a  letter  from  my  son;  which  I  shall  here 

"Honoured  Father, 

"  I  HAVE  received  your  letter,  bearing  date 
January  n,  1705,6;  for  which  I  give  you 
many  thanks,  with  my  duty  and  my  brother's. 
I  am  sorry  you  have  not  received  all  the  let 
ters  I  have  written  to  you;  as  I  have  not  re 
ceived  all  yours.  According  to  your  good 



counsel,  I  do  almost  every  day  read  some 
thing  of  the  Bible,  and  so  strengthen  my 
faith.  As  to  the  captives  newly  brought, 
Lancaster  is  the  place  of  two  of  them,  and 
Marlborough  that  of  the  third;  the  governour 
of  Montreal  has  them  all  three.  There  is 
other  news  that  will  seem  more  strange  to 
you:  That  two  English  women,  who  in  their 
life  time  were  dreadfully  set  against  the  Cath- 
olick  religion,  did  on  their  death  bed  embrace 
it.  The  one  Abigail  Turbet,  the  other  of 
them  Esther  Jones,  both  of  them  known  to 
you.  Abigail  Turbet  sent  for  Mr.  Meriel  the 
Sabbath  before  she  died;  and  said  (many  a 
time  upon  several  following  days)  that  she 
committed  her  soul  into  his  hands,  and  was 
ready  to  do  whatever  he  pleased.  She  desired 
him  to  go  to  the  chapel  St.  Anne,  and  there  to 
say  a  holy  mass  for  her,  that  she  might  have 
her  sins  pardoned,  and  the  will  of  the  Lord 
accomplished  upon  her.  Her  cousin,  Mrs. 
Badston,  now  Stilson,  asked  her,  whether  she 
should  be  willing  to  do  as  she  said;  she  an 


swered,  yes.  And  upon  the  Tuesday  she  was 
taken  into  the  Catholick  church,  in  the  pres 
ence  of  John  Laland,  and  Madam  Grizalem, 
an  English  woman,  and  Mrs.  Stilson,  also 
with  many  French  people  besides.  She  was 
anointed  with  oil  on  the  same  day,  according 
to  her  will  then.  Upon  the  Wednesday 
following,  an  image  of  Christ  crucified  was 
brought  to  her;  she  caused  it  to  be  set  up  over 
against  her,  at  the  curtains  of  her  bed,  and 
looked  continually  upon  the  same;  and  also 
a  little  crucifix  was  brought  unto  her;  she 
took  it,  and  kissed  it,  and  laid  it  upon  her 
stomach.  She  did  also  make  the  sign  of  the 
cross  upon  herself,  when  she  took  any  meat 
or  drink.  She  promised  to  God,  that  if  she 
should  recover,  she  would  go  to  the  mass  every 
day:  She  having  on  her  hand  a  crucifix,  said, 
Oh,  my  Lord,  that  I  should  have  known  thee 
so  late!  She  did  also  make  a  prayer  to  the 
Virgin  Mary,  the  two  last  days  of  the  week. 
She  could  utter  no  word,  but  by  kissing  the 
crucifix,  and  endeavouring  to  cross  herself, 



she  gave  an  evidence  of  her  faith.  She  died  on 
Saturday  the  24th  of  November,  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  The  next  day,  the 
priest  did  commend  that  woman's  soul  to  the 
prayers  of  the  congregation  in  the  mass;  in 
the  afternoon  she  was  honourably  buried  in 
the  church  yard,  next  to  the  church,  close  to 
the  body  of  the  justice  Pese's  wife;  all  the 
people  being  present  as  her  funeral.  The 
same  day,  in  the  evening,  Mr.  Meriel,  with  an 
English  woman,  went  to  Esther  Jones;  she  did 
at  first  disdain;  but  a  little  after,  she  confessed 
there  were  seven  sacraments,  Christ's  body 
present,  the  sacrament  of  the  mass,  the  in 
equality  of  power  among  the  pastors  of  the 
church;  and  being  returned  to  wait  by  her  all 
night  long,  he  read  and  expounded  to  her 
some  part  of  the  Catholick  confession  of  faith 
to  her  satisfaction.  About  midnight  he  asked 
her,  whether  she  might  not  confess  her  sins; 
I  doubt  not  but  I  may,  said  she:  And  two 
hours  after,  she  made  unto  him  a  fervent  con 
fession  of  all  the  sins  of  her  whole  life:  When 



he  said,  he  was  to  offer  Christ  to  his  father 
for  her,  she  liked  it  very  well.  The  super- 
iourofthenuns  being  come  in  to  see  her,  she 
now  desired  that  she  might  receive  Christ's 
body  before  she  died.  She  did  also  show 
Mrs.  Stilson  a  great  mind  to  receive  the  sac 
rament  of  extreme  unction,  and  said,  that  if 
ever  she  should  recover  and  get  home,  she 
would  reproach  the  ministers  for  their  neg 
lecting  that  sacrament,  so  plainly  commanded 
by  St.  James.  In  the  afternoon,  after  she 
had  begged  pardon  for  her  wavering,  and  the 
Catholick  confession  of  faith  was  read  aloud  to 
her,  in  the  hearing  of  Mr.  Craston,  Mrs.  Stil 
son,  and  another  Englishwoman,  she  owned 
the  same.  About  seven  o'clock  the  same  day, 
she  said  to  Mr.  Dubison,  Shall  not  they  give 
me  the  holy  communion  ?  But  her  tongue 
was  then  so  thick  that  she  could  hardly  swal 
low  any  thing.  She  was  then  anointed  with 
holy  oil:  But  before,  she  said  to  Mr.  Meriel, 
Why  have  you  not  yet,  sir,  forgiven  my  sins  ? 
In  the  night  following,  that  priest,  and  Mr. 



Dubison,  were  continually  by  her;  and  some 
times  praying  to  God  in  her  name,  and  pray 
ing  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  other  saints.  She 
said  also,  I  believe  all:  I  am  very  glad  Christ 
was  offered  to  his  Father  for  me.  Six  or 
seven  hours  before  she  died,  a  crucifix  was 
showed  to  her  by  Mr.  Dubison;  she  took  it, 
and  laid  it  upon  her  heart,  and  kissed  it;  and 
then  the  nuns  hanged  it  with  a  pair  of  beads 
upon  her  neck.  A  little  before  she  died,  Mr. 
Dubison  asked  her  to  pray  for  him  in  heaven; 
she  promised  him:  So  she  gave  up  the  ghost, 
at  ten  of  the  clock,  the  zyth  of  November, 
whilst  the  high  mass  was  saying;  she  was  soon 
commended  to  the  prayers.  On  the  fourth 
day  of  the  week  following  she  was  buried, 
after  the  mass  had  been  said  for  her.  She 
was  laid  by  Abigail  Turbet.  Jan.  23, 

I  HAVE  here  transcribed  the  letter  in  the 
very  words  of  it,  without  the  least  alteration: 
The  same  for  substance  was  sent  to  several 



other  captives.  When  I  had  this  letter,  I 
presently  knew  it  to  be  of  Mr.  MeriePs  com 
posing:  But  the  messenger,  who  brought 
the  letter,  brought  word  that  my  son  had  em 
braced  their  religion.  Afterwards,  when  some 
blamed  him  for  letting  me  know  of  it,  because 
(they  said)  they  feared  my  sorrow  would 
shorten  my  days;  he  told  me,  he  thought  with 
himself,  that  if  he  was  in  my  case  he  should 
be  willing  to  know  the  worst,  and  therefore 
told  me,  as  he  would  have  desired  to  have 
known  if  in  my  place.  I  thanked  him,  ac 
knowledging  it  a  favour  to  let  me  know  of  it; 
but  the  news  was  ready  to  overwhelm  me  with 
grief  and  sorrow.  I  made  my  complaint  to 
God,  and  mourned  before  him;  sorrow  and 
anguish  took  hold  upon  me.  I  asked  of  God 
to  direct  me  what  to  do,  and  how  to  write, 
and  find  out  an  opportunity  of  conveying  a 
letter  to  him;  and  committed  this  difficulty 
to  his  providence.  I  now  found  a  greater 
opposition  to  a  patient,  quiet,  humble  resig 
nation  to  the  will  of  God  than  I  should 



otherwise  have  known,  if  not  so  tried.  Here  I 
thought  of  my  afflictions  and  trials;  my  wife 
and  two  children  killed,  and  many  of  my 
neighbours;  and  myself,  so  many  of  my  chil 
dren  and  friends  in  a  popish  captivity,  sep 
arated  from  our  children,  not  capable  to  come 
to  them  to  instruct  them  in  the  way  they  ought 
to  go;  and  cunning,  crafty  enemies,  using  all 
their  subtilty  to  insinuate  into  young  ones  such 
principles  as  would  be  pernicious.  I  thought 
with  myself  how  happy  many  others  were, 
in  that  they  had  their  children  with  them, 
under  all  advantages  to  bring  them  up  in  the 
nurture  and  admonition  of  the  Lord;  whilst 
we  were  separated  one  from  another,  and  our 
children  in  great  peril  of  embracing  damna 
ble  doctrines.  Oh !  that  all  parents,  who  read 
this  history,  would  bless  God  for  the  advan 
tages  they  have  of  educating  their  children, 
and  faithfully  improve  it!  I  mourned  when  I 
thought  with  myself  that  I  had  one  child 
with  the  Macquas,  a  second  turned  to  popery, 
and  a  little  child,  of  six  years  of  age,  in 



danger  from  a  child  to  be  instructed  in  popery; 
and  knew  full  well  that  all  endeavours  would 
be  used  to  prevent  my  seeing  or  speaking  with 
them.  But  in  the  midst  of  all  these,  God  gave 
me  a  secret  hope,  that  he  wrould  magnify  his 
power  and  free  grace,  and  disappoint  all  their 
crafty  designs.  When  I  looked  on  the  right 
hand  and  on  the  left,  all  refuge  failed  me,  and 
none  shewed  any  care  for  my  soul.  But  God 
brought  that  word  to  uphold  me;  Who  is  able 
to  do  exceeding  abundantly  above  what  we  can 
ask  or  think.  As  also  that,  Is  any  thing  too 
hard  for  God?  I  prayed  to  God  to  direct  me; 
and  wrote  very  short  the  first  time,  and  in 
general  terms,  fearing  lest  if  I  should  write 
about  things  in  controversy,  my  letters  would 
not  come  to  him.  I  therefore  addressed  him 
with  the  following  letter. 

"Son  Samuel, 

"YOURS  of  January  23,  I  received,  and 
with  it  had  the  tidings  that  you  had  made  an 
abjuration   of  the   Protestant    faith   for   the 
Romish:  News  that  I  heard  with  the  most  dis 


tressing,  afflicting,  sorrowful  spirit  that  ever  I 
heard  any  news.  Oh!  I  pity  you,  I  mourn 
over  you  day  and  night!  Oh!  I  pity  your  weak 
ness,  that  through  the  craftiness  of  man  you 
are  turned  from  the  simplicity  of  the  gospel! 
I  persuade  myself  you  have  done  it  through 
ignorance.  Oh  !  why  have  you  neglected  to 
ask  a  father's  advice  in  an  affair  of  so  great 
importance  as  the  change  of  religion!  God 
knows  that  the  catechism,  in  which  I  instructed 
you  is  according  to  the  word  of  God;  and  so 
will  be  found  in  the  day  of  judgment.  Oh  !  con 
sider  and  bethink  yourself  what  you  have  done  ! 
And  whether  you  ask  me  or  not,  my  poor 
child,  I  cannot  but  pray  for  you,  that  you  may 
be  recovered  out  of  the  snare  you  are  taken 
in.  Read  the  Bible,  pray  in  secret;  make 
Christ's  righteousness  your  only  plea  before 
God,  for  justification:  Beware  of  all  immor 
ality,  and  of  profaning  God's  Sabbaths.  Let 
a  father's  advice  be  asked  for  the  future,  in 
all  things  of  weight  and  moment.  What  is  a 
man  profited  if  he  gain  the  whole  world,  and 



lose  his  own  soul  ?  Or  what  shall  a  man 
give  in  exchange  for  his  soul  ?  I  desire  to  be 
humbled  under  the  mighty  hand  of  God  thus 
afflicting  of  me.  I  would  not  do  as  you  have 
done  for  ten  thousand  worlds.  My  heart 
aches  within  me,  but  I  will  yet  wait  upon  the 
Lord:  to  Him  will  I  commit  your  case  day  and 
night:  He  can  perform  all  things  for  me  and 
mine;  and  can  yet  again  recover  you  from 
your  fall.  He  is  a  God  forgiving  iniquity, 
transgression  and  sin:  To  the  Lord  our  God 
belong  forgivenesses,  though  we  have  re 
belled.  I  charge  you  not  to  be  instrumental 
to  ensnare  your  poor  brother  Warham,  or  any 
other,  and  so  add  sin  to  sin.  Accept  of  my 
love,  and  do  not  forsake  a  father's  advice, 
who  above  all  things  desires  that  your  soul 
may  be  saved  in  the  day  of  the  Lord." 

WHAT  I  mournfully  wrote,  I  followed  with 
my  poor  cries  to  God  in  heaven  to  make  ef 
fectual,  to  cause  in  him  a  consideration  of 
what  he  had  done.  God  saw  what  a  proud 



heart  I  had,  and  what  need  I  had  to  be  so 
answered  out  of  the  whirlwind,  that  I  might 
be  humbled  before  him.  Not  having  any  an 
swer  to  my  letter  for  some  weeks,  I  wrote  the 
following  letter,  as  I  was  enabled  of  God,  and 
sent  to  him  by  a  faithful  hand;  which,  by  the 
blessing  of  God,  was  made  effectual  for  his 
good,  and  the  good  of  others,  who  had  fallen 
to  popery;  and  for  the  establishing  and 
strengthening  of  others  to  resist  the  essays 
of  the  adversary  to  truth.  God  brought  good 
out  of  this  evil,  and  made  what  was  designed 
to  promote  their  interests,  an  occasion  of 
shame  to  them. 

"Son  Samuel, 

"I  HAVE  waited  till  now  for  an  answer 
from  you,  hoping  to  hear  from  you,  why  you 
made  an  abjuration  of  the  Protestant  faith 
for  the  Romish.  But  since  you  continue  to 
neglect  to  write  to  me  about  it,  as  you  neg 
lected  to  take  any  advice  or  counsel  from  a 
father,  when  you  did  it,  I  cannot  forbear 
writing  again,  and  making  some  reflections 



on  the  letter  you  wrote  me  last,  about  the  two 
women.  It  seems  to  me,  from  those  words 
of  Abigail  Turbet's,  in  your  letter,  or  rather 
of  Mr.  Mend's,  which  you  transcribed  for  him 
[Abigail  Turbet  sent  for  Mr.  Meriel,  com 
mitted  her  soul  into  his  hand,  and  was  ready 
to  do  whatsoever  he  pleased] — I  say,  it  seems 
rational  to  believe,  that  she  had  not  the  use  of 
her  reason;  it  is  an  expression  to  be  abhorred 
by  all  who  have  any  true  sense  of  religion. 
Was  Mr.  Meriel  a  God,  a  Christ  ?  Could  he 
bear  to  hear  such  words  and  not  reject  them; 
replying,  "Do  not  commit  your  soul  into 
my  hands,  but  see  that  you  commit  your  soul 
into  the  hands  of  God  through  Christ  Jesus, 
and  do  whatever  God  commands  you  in  his 
holy  word.  As  for  me,  I  am  a  creature,  and 
cannot  save  your  soul;  but  will  tell  you  of 
Acts  iv.  12.  Neither  is  there  salvation  in  any 
other;  for  there  is  no  other  name  under  heaven 
given  among  men,  whereby  we  must  be  saved. " 
Had  he  been  a  faithful  minister  of  Jesus 
Christ,  he  would  have  said,  "It  is  an  honour 



due  to  Christ  alone.  The  holy  apostle  says, 
Now  unto  him  that  is  able  to  keep  you,  and 
present  you  faultless  before  the  presence  of  his 
glory,  with  exceeding  joy,  to  the  only  wise 
God  our  Saviour ;  be  glory,  and  majesty,  domin 
ion  and  power,  both  now  and  ever,  amen." 
Jude,  24,  25,  verses.  As  to  what  you  write 
about  praying  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  other 
saints,  I  make  this  reply,  Had  Mr.  Meriel 
done  his  duty,  he  would  have  said  to  them,  as 
I  John,  ii.  1,2.  //  any  man  sin,  we  have  an 
advocate  with  the  Father,  'Jesus  Christ  the 
righteous;  and  he  is  the  propitiation  for  our 
sins.  The  Scriptures  say,  There  is  one  God, 
and  one  mediator  between  God  and  man,  the 
man  Christ  Jesus.  Yea,  Christ  said,  go  and 
preach,  He  that  believeth  and  is  baptized, 
shall  be  saved.  The  apostle,  in  Gal.  i.  8. 
saith,  But  though  we  or  an  angel  from  heaven 
preach  any  other  gospel  unto  you,  than  that 
we  have  preached  to  you,  let  him  be  accursed. 
They  never  preached,  that  we  should  pray  to 
the  Virgin  Mary,  or  other  saints.  As  you 



would  be  saved,  hear  what  the  apostle  saith, 
Heb.  iv.  13,  &c.  Neither*! f  there  any  creature 
that  is  not  manifest  in  his  sight;  but  all  things 
are  naked,  and  open  unto  the  eyes  of  him 
with  whom  we  have  to  do.  Seeing  then  that  we 
have  a  great  high  priest  that  is  entered  into 
the  heavens,  Jesus  the  son  of  God,  let  us  hold 
fast  our  profession:  For  we  have  not  an  high 
priest  that  cannot  be  touched  with  the  feelings 
of  our  infirmities,  but  was  in  all  points  tempted 
like  as  we  are,  yet  without  sin;  let  us  therefore 
come  boldly  unto  the  throne  of  grace,  that  we 
may  obtain  mercy,  and  find  grace  to  help  in 
time  of  need.  Which  words  do  hold  forth, 
how  that  Christ  Jesus  is  in  every  respect  qual 
ified  to  be  a  mediator  and  intercessor;  and 
I  am  sure  they  cannot  be  applied  to  any  mere 
creature,  to  make  them  capable  of  our  relig 
ious  trust.  When  Roman  Catholicks  have 
said  all  they  can,  they  are  not  able  to  prove, 
that  the  saints  in  heaven  have  a  knowledge 
of  what  prayers  are  directed  to  them.  Some 
say  they  know  them  one  way,  others  say  they 



have  the  knowledge  of  them  in  another  way: 
And  that  which  they  have  fixed  upon  as  most 
probable  to  them,  is,  that  they  know  of  them 
from  their  beholding  the  face  of  God;  seeing 
God,  they  know  these  prayers:  But  this  is  a 
great  mistake.  Though  the  saints  see  and 
know  God  in  a  glorious  manner,  yet  they  have 
not  an  infinite  knowledge;  and  it  does  no 
ways  follow,  that  because  they  see  God,  they 
know  all  prayers  that  are  directed  to  them 
upon  the  earth.  And  God  has  no  where  in 
his  word  told  us,  that  the  saints  have  such  a 
knowledge.  Besides,  were  it  a  thing  possible 
for  them  to  have  a  knowledge  of  what  prayers 
are  directed  to  them,  it  does  not  follow  that 
they  are  to  be  prayed  to,  or  have  religious 
honour  conferred  upon  them.  The  Roman 
ists  can  neither  give  one  Scripture  precept  or 
example  for  praying  to  them;  but  God  has 
provided  a  mediator,  who  knows  all  our 
petitions,  and  is  faithful  and  merciful  enough 
and  we  have  both  Scripture  precept  and 
example,  to  look  to  him  as  our  mediator  and 



advocate  with  the  Father.  Further,  it  can 
not  be  proved  that  it  is  consistent  with  the 
saints  being  creatures,  as  well  as  with  their 
happiness,  to  have  a  knowledge  of  prayers 
from  all  parts  of  the  world  at  the  same  time, 
from  many  millions  together,  about  things  so 
vastly  differing  one  from  another:  And  then 
to  present  those  supplications  for  all  that  look 
to  them,  is  not  humility,  but  will-worship. 
Col.  ii.  1 8.  Let  no  man  beguile  you  of  your 
reward,  in  a  voluntary  humility,  worshipping 
of  angels,  verse  23.  Which  things  indeed  have 
a  shew  of  wisdom  and  will-worship,  and 
humility.  For  what  humility  can  it  be,  to 
distrust  the  way  that  God  has  provided  and 
encouraged  us  to  come  to  him  in,  and  impose 
upon  God  a  way  of  our  own  devising  ?  Was 
not  God  angry  with  Jeroboam  for  imposing 
upon  him  after  such  a  sort  ?  I  Kings,  xii.  33. 
So  he  offered  upon  the  altar  which  he  had  made 
in  Bethel,  the  fifth  day  of  the  eighth  month, 
which  he  devised  of  his  own  heart.  Therefore 
Christ  saith,  Mark  vii.  7.  Howbeit,  in  vain 



do  they  worship  me,  teaching  for  doctrines  the 
commandments  of  men.  Before  the  coming 
of  Christ,  and  his  entering  into  heaven  as  an 
intercessor;  Heb.  vii.  25.  Wherefore  he  is 
able  to  save  them  to  the  uttermost  that  come  to 
God  by  him,  seeing  he  ever  liveth  to  make  in 
tercession  for  them;  I  say,  before  Christ's 
entering  into  heaven  as  an  intercessor,  there  is 
not  one  word  of  any  prayer  to  saints;  and 
what  reason  can  be  given  that  now  there  is 
need  of  so  many  saints  to  make  intercession 
when  Christ  as  a  priest  is  entered  into  heaven 
to  make  intercession  for  us  ?  The  answer 
that  the  Romanists  give  is  a  very  fable  and 
falsehood :  Namely,  that  there  were  no  saints 
in  heaven  till  after  the  resurrection  and  ascen 
sion  of  Christ,  but  were  reserved  in  a  place 
called  Limbus  Patrum,  and  so  had  not  the 
beatifical  vision.  See  Gen.  v.  24.  Enoch 
walked  with  God,  and  was  not,  for  God  took 
him.  If  he  was  not  taken  into  heaven,  what 
can  be  the  sense  of  those  words,  for  God  took 
him  ?  Again,  2  Kings,  ii.  I.  When  the  Lord 



would  take  up  Elijah  into  heaven  by  a  whirl 
wind,  verse  II.  There  appeared  a  chariot 
of  fire  and  horses  of  fire,  and  parted  them  both 
asunder,  and  Elijah  went  up  by  a  whirlwind 
into  heaven.  Must  the  truth  of  the  Scripture 
be  called  in  question  to  uphold  their  notions  ? 
Besides,  it  is  not  consistent  with  reason  to 
suppose,  that  Enoch  and  Elias,  instead  of 
having  a  peculiar  privilege  vouchsafed  to 
them,  for  their  eminency  in  holiness,  should 
be  less  happy  for  so  long  a  time  than  the  rest 
of  the  saints  deceased,  who  are  glorified  in 
heaven;  which  must  be,  if  they  are  yet  kept, 
and  must  be,  till  the  day  of  judgment  out  of 
heaven,  and  the  beatifical  vision,  in  an 
earthly  paradise,  according  to  some  of  the 
Romanists;  or  in  some  other  place,  they  know 
not  where,  according  to  others.  Religious 
worship  is  not  to  be  given  to  the  creature, 
Mat.  iv.  9,  10,  and  saith,  All  these  things  will 
I  give  thee,  if  thou  wilt  fall  down  and  worship 
me.  Then  saith  Jesus  to  him,  Get  thee 
hence,  Satan;  for  it  is  written,  thou  shalt 



worship  the  Lord  thy  God,  and  him  only  shall 
thou  serve.  That  phrase,  and  him  only  shalt 
thou  serve,  excludes  all  creatures.  Rev.  xxii. 
8,  9.  /  fell  down  to  worship  before  the  feet 
of  the  angel,  which  shewed  me  these  things; 
then  saith  he  to  me,  see  thou  do  it  not,  for  I  am 
thy  fellow  servant,  and  of  thy  brethren  the 
prophets,  and  of  them  which  keep  the  sayings 
of  this  book,  worship  God.  Which  plainly 
shews,  that  God  only  is  to  be  worshipped 
with  a  religious  worship.  None  can  think 
that  Saint  John  intended  to  give  the  highest 
divine  worship  to  the  angel,  who  saith,  Do  not 
fall  down  and  worship  me;  it  is  God's  due, 
worship  God.  So  Acts  x.  25,  26.  As  Peter 
was  coming  in,  Cornelius  met  him  and  fell 
down  at  his  feet,  and  worshipped  him;  but 
Peter  took  him  up,  saying,  stand  up,  I  myself 
also  am  a  man.  See  also  Lev.  xix.  10.  The 
words  of  the  second  commandment  (which 
the  Romanists  either  leave  out,  or  add  to  the 
first  commandment,  saying,  Thou  shalt  have 
no  other  gods  before  me,  adding,  &c.)  I  say 



the  words  of  the  second  commandment  are, 
Thou  shalt  not  make  to  thyself  any  graven 
image,  or  any  likeness  of  any  thing  that  is  in 
heaven  above,  or  that  is  in  the  earth  beneath,  or 
that  is  in  the  waters  under  the  earth;  thou  shalt 
not  bow  down  thyself  to  them  nor  serve  them, 
for  I  the  Lord  thy  God  am  a  jealous  God,  &c. 
These  words  being  inserted  in  the  letter  which 
came  from  your  brother  Eleazer,  in  New- 
England,  the  last  summer,  was  the  cause  of 
the  letters  being  sent  down  from  Montreal, 
and  not  given  to  you,  when  so  near  you,  as  I 
suppose,  there  being  no  other  clause  of  the 
letter  that  could  be  objected  against,  and  the 
reason  wrhy  found  at  Quebec,  when  I  sent  it 
to  you  a  second  time,  enclosed  in  a  letter 
written  by  myself.  The  brazen  serpent, 
made  by  divine  appointment  as  a  type  of 
Christ,  when  abused  to  superstition,  was  by 
reforming  Hezekiah  broken  in  pieces.  As  to 
what  the  Romanists  plead  about  the  lawful 
ness  of  image  and  saint  worship,  from  those 
likenesses  of  things  made  in  Solomon's  tern- 



pie,  it  is  nothing  to  the  purpose.  We  do  not 
say  it  is  not  lawful  to  make  or  have  a  picture; 
but  those  carved  images  were  not,  in  the  tem 
ple,  to  be  adored,  bowed  down  to,  or  worship 
ped.  There  is  no  manner  of  consequence, 
that  because  there  were  images  made  in  Sol 
omon's  temple  that  were  not  adored  and 
worshipped,  that  therefore  it  is  now  lawful 
to  make  and  fall  down  before  images,  and 
pray  to  them,  and  so  worship  them. 

"Religious  worshipping  of  saints  cannot 
be  defended  from,  but  is  forbidden,  in  the 
Scriptures;  and  for  fear  of  losing  their  dis 
ciples,  the  Romanists  keep  away  from  them 
the  Bible  and  oblige  them  to  believe  as  they 
say  they  must  believe;  as  though  there  was  no 
use  be  made  of  our  reason  about  our  souls; 
and  yet  the  Bereans  were  counted  noble  for 
searching  the  Scriptures,  to  see  whether  the 
things  preached  by  Saint  Paul  were  so  or  not. 
They  dare  not  allow  you  liberty  to  speak 
with  your  father,  or  others,  for  fear  their 
errors  should  be  discovered  to  you.  Again, 



you  write,  "that  Esther  Jones  confessed  that 
there  was  an  inequality  of  power  among  the 
pastors  of  the  church."  An  argument  to 
convince  the  world,  that  because  the  priests, 
in  fallacious  ways,  caused  a  woman,  distem 
pered  with  a  very  high  fever,  if  not  distracted, 
to  say,  she  confessed  there  was  an  inequality 
of  power  among  the  pastors  of  the  church, 
therefore  all  the  world  are  obliged  to  believe 
that  there  is  a  pope.  An  argument  to  be 
sent  from  Dan  to  Beersheba,  every  where, 
where  any  English  captives  are,  to  gain  their 
belief  of  a  pope.  Can  any  rational  man 
think  that  Christ,  in  the  i6th  chapter  of  Mat 
thew,  gave  Saint  Peter  such  a  power  as  the 
papists  speak  of;  or  that  the  disciples  so 
understood  Christ  ?  When  immediately  there 
arose  a  dispute  among  them,  who  should  be 
the  greatest  in  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ? 
Matth.  xviii.  i.  At  the  same  time  came  the 
disciples  of  Jesus,  saying,  who  is  the  greatest 
in  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ?  The  rock  spoken 
of  in  the  i6th  of  Matthew,  not  the  person  of 



Peter,  but  the  confession  made  by  him,  and 
the  same  power  is  given  to  all  the  disciples, 
if  you  compare  one  Scripture  with  another; 
not  one  word  in  any  place  of  Scripture  of  such 
a  vicarship  power  as  of  a  pope,  nor  any  solid 
foundation  of  proof  that  Peter  had  a  great 
er  authority  than  the  rest  of  the  apostles. 
I  Cor.  iv.  6.  That  you  might  learn  in  us,  not 
to  think  of  men  above  that  which  is  written. 
Yea,  the  apostle  condemns  them,  I  Cor.  i. 
12.  for  their  contentions,  One  saying,  I  am 
of  Paul,  I  of  Apollos,  and  I  of  Ccephas;  no 
more  of  Peter's  being  a  foundation  than  any 
of  the  rest.  For  we  are  built  upon  the  foun 
dation  of  the  apostles  and  prophets,  'Jesus 
Christ  himself  being  the  chief  corner  stone. 
Not  one  word  in  any  of  Peter's  epistles,  shew 
ing  that  he  had  greater  power  than  the  other 
apostles.  Nay,  if  the  Scriptures  give  any 
preference,  it  is  to  Saint  Paul  rather  than 
Saint  Peter.  I  Cor.  iii.  10.  According  to 
the  grace  of  God  which  is  given  to  me,  as  a 
wise  master  builder  I  have  laid  the  foundation. 

I  Cor. 


I  Cor.  ¥.3,4.  For  I  verily  as  absent  in  body, 
but  present  in  spirit,  have  judged  already,  as 
though  I  were  present,  concerning  him  that 
hath  done  so  this  deed.  In  the  name  of  our 
Lord  'Jesus  Christ,  when  ye  are  gathered  to 
gether,  and  my  spirit,  with  the  power  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  &c.  I  Cor.  vii.  I.  Now 
concerning  the  things  whereof  ye  wrote  to  me; 
application  made  not  to  Saint  Peter,  but  Paul, 
for  the  decision  of  a  controversy  or  scruple. 
I  Cor.  xi.  2.  Now  I  praise  you,  brethren,  that 
you  remember  me  in  all  things,  and  keep  the 
ordinances  as  I  delivered  them  to  you.  Either 
those  spoken  of,  Acts  xv.  or  in  his  ministry 
and  epistles,  2  Cor.  ii.  10.  For  your  sake, 
forgave  I  it,  in  the  person  of  Christ.  2  Cor. 
xi.  28.  That  which  cometh  upon  me  daily, 
the  care  of  all  the  churches.  2  Cor.  xii.  II, 
12.  For  in  nothing  am  I  behind  the  very 
chiefest  of  the  apostles,  though  I  be  nothing. 
Truly  the  signs  of  an  apostle  were  wrought 
among  you  in  all  patience,  in  signs  and  won 
ders,  and  mighty  deeds;  and  in  other  places. 



Again,  if  you  consult  Acts  xv.  where  you  have 
an  account  of  the  first  synod  or  council,  you 
will  find  that  the  counsel  or  sentence  of  the 
apostle  James  is  followed,  verse  19.  Where 
fore  my  sentence  is,  &c.  not  a  word  that 
Saint  Peter  was  chief.  Again,  you  find  Peter 
himself  sent  forth  by  the  other  apostles, 
Acts  viii.  14.  The  apostles  sent  unto  them,  Peter 
and  John.  When  the  church  of  the  Jews  found 
fault  with  Peter,  for  going  in  to  the  Gentiles 
when  he  went  to  Cornelius,  he  does  not  say, 
Why  do  you  question  me,  or  call  me  to  an 
account,  I  am  Christ's  vicar  on  earth.  When 
Paul  reproved  Peter,  Gal.  ii.  he  does  not  de 
fend  himself,  by  mentioning  an  infallibility 
in  himself  as  Christ's  vicar,  or  reprove  Paul 
for  his  boldness. 

"The  Roman  Catholick  Church  cannot  be 
a  true  church  of  Christ,  in  that  it  makes  laws 
directly  contrary  to  the  laws  and  commands 
of  Christ:  As  for  example,  in  with-holding 
the  wine  or  the  cup  from  the  laity,  in  the 
Lord's  Supper;  whereas  Christ  commands 



the  same  to  drink  who  were  to  eat.  Their 
evasion,  that  the  blood  is  in  the  body,  and  so 
they  partake  of  both  in  eating,  is  a  great 
fallacy,  built  on  a  false  foundation  of  tran- 
substantiation.  For  when  men  eat,  they  can 
not  be  said  to  drink,  which  Christ  commands, 
for  Christ  commands  that  we  take  the  cup  and 
drink,  which  is  not  done  in  eating;  besides, 
the  priests  themselves  will  not  be  so  put  off. 
The  words,  this  is  my  body,  do  only  intend, 
this  doth  signify  or  represent  my  body,  which 
will  appear  if  you  compare  Scripture  with 
Scripture;  for  after  the  consecration,  the  Holy 
Ghost  calls  it  bread,  and  the  fruit  of  the  vine. 
Exod.  xii.  II.  It  is  the  Lord's  passover; 
that  is,  it  represents  it.  In  all  the  evange 
lists,  you  read  of  killing  and  eating  the  pass- 
over,  a  few  lines  or  verses  before  these  words, 
this  is  my  body,  which  plainly  shew,  that  our 
Saviour,  in  the  same  way  of  figurative  ex 
pression,  speaks  of  the  gospel  sacrament. 
If  these  words  were  taken  as  the  Romanists 
expound  them,  he  must  eat  his  own  body 



himself,  whole  and  entire  in  his  own  hands; 
and  after  that,  each  one  of  the  disciples  eat 
him  entire,  and  yet  he  set  at  the  table  whole, 
untouched,  at  the  same  time;  contradictions 
impossible  to  be  defended  by  any  rational  argu 
ments.  Yea,  his  whole  body  must  be  now  in 
heaven  and  in  a  thousand  other  places,  and  in 
the  mouth  of  every  communicant  at  the  same 
time,  and  that  both  as  a  broken  and  unbroken 
sacrifice,  and  be  subject  to  putrefaction. 
Christ  is  said  to  be  a  door,  a  true  vine,  a  way, 
a  rock.  What  work  shall  we  make  if  we  ex 
pound  these  in  a  literal  manner,  as  the  Roman 
ists  do,  when  they  say,  this  is  my  body,  means 
the  real  body  of  Christ  in  the  eucharist  ?  It 
is  said,  I  Cor.  x.  4.  And  did  all  drink  the  same 
spiritual  drink:  For  they  drank  of  that  spirit 
ual  Rock  that  followed  them:  And  that  rock 
was  Christ.  Was  Christ  literally  a  rock, 
think  you  ?  Yea,  it  is  absurd  to  believe,  that 
a  priest,  uttering  a  few  words  over  a  wafer 
not  above  an  inch  square,  can  make  it  a  God, 
or  the  body  of  Christ  entire,  as  it  was  offered 



on  the  cross.  It  is  a  blasphemy  to  pretend 
to  a  power  of  making  God  at  their  pleasure; 
and  then  eat  him,  and  give  him  to  others  to 
be  eaten,  or  shut  him  up  in  their  altars: 
That  they  can  utter  the  same  words,  and 
make  a  God  or  not  make  a  God,  according 
to  their  intention,  and  that  the  people  are 
obliged  to  believe  that  it  is  God,  and  so 
adore  it,  when  they  never  hear  any  word  of 
consecration,  nor  know  the  priest's  intention. 
"As  to  what  you  write  about  the  holy 
mass,  I  reply,  it  is  wholly  an  human  inven 
tion;  not  a  word  of  such  a  sacrifice  in  the 
whole  Bible;  its  being  a  sacrifice  propitiatory 
daily  to  be  offered,  is  contrary  to  the  holy 
Scriptures.  Heb.  vii.  27.  Who  needeth  not 
daily,  as  those  high-priests,  to  offer  up  sacri 
fice  first  for  his  own  sins,  and  then  for  the 
people's:  For  this  he  did  once,  when  he  offered 
up  himself.  And  yet  the  Romanists  say, 
there  is  need  that  he  be  offered  up  as  a  sac 
rifice  to  God  every  day.  Heb.  ix.  12.  By 
his  own  blood  he  entered  in  once  into  the  holy 



place,  having  obtained  eternal  redemption  for 
us.  ver.  25,  26,  27,  28.  Nor  yet  that  he 
should  offer  himself  often,  as  the  high-priest 
enter eth  into  the  holy  place,  every  year,  with 
the  blood  of  others:  For  then  must  he  often 
have  suffered  since  the  foundation  of  the  world. 
But  now  once,  in  the  end  of  the  world,  hath 
he  appeared  to  put  away  sin  by  the  sacrifice 
of  himself.  As  it  is  appointed  unto  men 
once  to  die,  but  after  this  the  judgment;  so 
Christ  was  once  offered  to  bear  the  sins  of 
many.  Heb.  x.  IO.  By  which  will  we  are 
sanctified,  through  the  offering  of  the  body 
of  'Jesus  Christ  once  for  all.  ver.  12.  But 
this  man,  after  he  had  offered  one  sacrifice  for 
sins,  forever  sat  down  on  the  right-hand  of 
God.  ver.  14.  For  by  one  offering  he  hath 
perfected  forever  them  that  are  sanctified.  By 
which  Scriptures  you  may  see,  that  the  mass 
is  not  of  divine  appointment,  but  an  human 
invention.  Their  evasion  of  a  bloody  and 
an  unbloody  sacrifice,  is  a  sham;  the  holy 
Scriptures  speak  not  one  word  of  Christ's 



being  offered  as  a  sacrifice  propitiatory,  after 
such  a  sort  as  they  call  an  unbloody  sacri 
fice.  All  the  ceremonies  of  the  mass  are 
human  inventions,  which  God  never 

"As  to  what  is  in  the  letter  about  praying 
for  the  women  after  their  death,  it  is  very 
ridiculous.  For  as  the  tree  falls,  so  it  lies; 
as  death  leaves,  judgment  will  find.  No 
change  after  death  from  an  afflicted  to  a 
happy  place  and  state.  Purgatory  is  a 
phantasm,  for  enriching  the  clergy,  and  im 
poverishing  the  laity.  The  notion  of  it  is  a 
fatal  snare  to  many  souls,  who  sin  with  hopes 
of  easily  getting  priestly  absolutions  at  death, 
and  buying  off  torments  with  their  money. 
The  soul  at  death  goes  immediately  to  judg 
ment,  and  so  to  heaven  or  hell.  No  authen- 
tick  place  of  Scripture  mentions  so  much  as 
one  word  of  any  such  place  or  state.  Mr. 
Meriel  told  me,  "  If  I  found  one  error  in  our 
religion,  it  was  enough  to  cause  me  to  disown 
our  whole  religion."  By  his  argument,  you 



may  see  what  reason  you  have  to  avoid  that 
religion  that  is  so  full  of  errors.  Bethink 
yourself,  and  consult  the  Scriptures,  if  you 
can  get  them:  (I  mean  the  Bible).  Can  you 
think  their  religion  is  right  when  they  are 
afraid  to  let  you  have  an  English  Bible  ?  Or  to 
speak  with  your  father,  or  other  of  your 
Christian  neighbours,  for  fear  they  should 
give  you  such  convictions  of  truth  that  they 
cannot  remove  ?  Can  that  religion  be  true, 
that  cannot  bear  an  examination  from  the 
Scriptures,  which  are  a  perfect  rule  in  matters 
of  faith  ?  Or  that  must  he  upheld  by  ig 
norance,  especially  ignorance  of  the  holy 
Scriptures  ? 

"These  things  have  I  written,  as  in  my 
heart  I  believe.  I  long  for  your  recovery, 
and  will  not  cease  to  pray  for  it.  I  am  now 
a  man  of  a  sorrowful  spirit,  and  look  upon 
your  fall  as  the  most  aggravating  circum 
stance  of  my  afflictions,  and  am  persuaded 
that  no  pains  will  be  wanting  to  prevent  me 
from  seeing  or  speaking  with  you;  but  I 



know  that  God's  grace  is  all-sufficient.  He 
is  able  to  do  exceeding  abundantly  above 
what  I  can  ask  or  think.  Do  not  give  way 
to  discouragement  as  to  a  return  to  New- 
England;  read  over  what  I  have  written,  and 
keep  it  with  you  if  you  can;  you  have  no 
friend  on  earth  that  wisheth  your  eternal 
salvation  more  heartily  than  your  father.  I 
long  to  see  and  speak  with  you,  but  I  never 
forget  you;  my  love  to  you,  and  to  your 
brother  and  sister,  and  to  all  our  fellow-pris 
oners.  Let  me  hear  from  you  as  often  as 
you  can.  I  hope  God  will  appear  for  us 
before  it  be  long. 

"There  are  a  great  many  other  things  in  the 
letter,  which  deserve  to  be  refuted;  but  I 
shall  be  too  tedious  in  remarking  on  them  all 
at  once:  Yet  would  not  pass  over  that  passage 
in  the  letter  in  which  Esther  Jones  confessed 
that  there  were  seven  sacraments.  To  which 
I  answer,  That  some  of  the  most  learned  of 
the  Romish  religion  confessed,  (without  the 
distracting  pains  of  a  violent  fever),  and  left 



it  upon  record  in  print,  that  it  cannot  be  con 
vincingly  made  out  from  the  Scriptures,  that 
there  are  seven  sacraments,  and  that  their 
most  incontestable  proof  is  from  tradition, 
and  by  their  traditions  they  might  have  found 
seventeen  as  well  as  seven;  considering  that 
four  popes,  successively,  spent  their  lives  in 
purging  and  correcting  old  authors.  But  no 
man  can,  out  of  the  holy  Scriptures,  prove 
any  more  than  two  sacraments  of  divine  in 
stitution,  under  the  New-Testament,  namely, 
baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper.  If  you  make 
the  Scriptures  a  perfect  rule  of  faith,  as  you 
ought  to  do,  you  cannot  believe  as  the  Roman 
Church  believes.  Oh!  see  that  you  sanc 
tify  the  Lord  himself  in  your  heart,  and  make 
him  your  fear  and  your  dread.  Fear  not 
them  that  can  kill  the  body,  and  after  that 
have  no  more  that  they  can  do;  but  rather 
fear  him  that  has  power  to  destroy  soul  and 
body  in  hell  fire.  The  Lord  have  mercy  upon 
you,  and  shew  you  mercy,  for  the  worthiness 
and  righteousness  sake  of  Jesus  Christ,  our 



great  and  glorious  Redeemer  and  Advocate, 
who  makes  intercession  for  transgressors. 
My  prayers  are  daily  offered  to  God  for  you, 
for  your  brother  and  sister,  yea  for  all  my 
children,  and  fellow  prisoners. 

"  I  am  your  afflicted  and  sorrowful  father, 

"Chateauviche,  March  22,  1706." 

GOD,  who  is  gloriously  free  and  rich  in  his 
grace  to  vile  sinners,  was  pleased  to  bless  poor 
and  weak  means  for  the  recovery  of  my  child 
so  taken,  and  gave  me  to  see,  that  he  did  not 
say  to  the  house  of  Jacob,  Seek  you  me  in 
vain.  Oh!  that  every  reader  would  in  every 
difficulty  make  him  their  refuge;  he  is  a  hope 
ful  stay.  To  alleviate  my  sorrow,  I  received 
the  following  letter  in  answer  to  mine. 

Montreal,  May  12,  1706. 
"Honoured  Father, 

"I  RECEIVED  your  letter  which  you  sent 

by ,  which  good  letter  I  thank  you  for; 

and   for  the  good   counsel  which  you  gave 



me:  I  desire  to  be  thankful  for  it,  and  hope 
it  will  be  for  the  good  of  my  soul.  I  may 
say  as  in  the  Psalms:  The  sorrows  of  death 
compassed  me,  and  the  pains  of  hell  gat  hold 
on  me:  I  found  trouble  and  sorrow,  then  called 
I  upon  the  name  of  the  Lord:  O  Lord,  I  be 
seech  thee,  deliver  my  soul!  Gracious  is  the 
Lord  and  righteous,  yea  our  God  is  merciful. 
As  for  what  you  ask  me  about  my  making 
an  abjuration  of  the  Protestant  faith  for  the 
Romish,  I  durst  not  write  so  plain  to  you 
as  I  would,  but  hope  to  see  and  discourse 
with  you.  I  am  sorry  for  the  sin  I  have  com 
mitted  in  changing  of  religion,  for  which  I 
am  greatly  to  blame.  You  may  know,  that 
Mr.  Meriel,  the  school-master,  and  others, 
were  continually  at  me  about  it;  at  last  I 
gave  over  to  it;  for  which  I  am  very  sorry. 
As  for  that  letter  you  had  from  me,  it  was  a 
letter  I  had  transcribed  for  Mr.  Meriel:  And 
for  what  he  saith  about  Abigail  Turbet,  and 
Esther  Jones,  no  body  heard  them  but  he,  as 
I  understand.  I  desire  your  prayers  to  God 



for  me,  to  deliver  me  from  my  sins.  Oh 
remember  me  in  your  prayers!  I  am  your 
dutiful  son,  ready  to  take  your  counsel. 


THIS  priest,  Mr.  Meriel,  has  brought 
many  letters  to  him,  and  bid  him  write  them 
over  and  send  them,  and  so  he  has  done  for 
many  others.  By  this,  as  also  by  Mrs. 
Stilson's  saying,  "She  does  not  think  that 
either  of  these  women  did  change  their  religion 
before  their  death;"  and  also,  "oftentimes 
during  their  sickness,  whilst  they  had  the  use 
of  their  reason,  they  protested  against  the  Ro 
mish  religion  and  faith,"  it  is  evident  that 
these  women  never  died  papists,  but  that 
it  was  a  wily  stratagem  of  the  priests  to  ad 
vance  their  religion :  For  letters  were  sent  im 
mediately,  after  their  death,  to  use  this  as  a 
persuasive  argument  to  gain  others.  But 
God  in  his  providence  gave  further  conviction 
of  their  fallaciousness  in  this  matter. 

For  the  last  summer,  one  Biggilow,  of  Marl- 


borough,  a  captive  at  Montreal,  was  very 
sick  in  the  hospital,  and,  in  the  judgment 
of  all,  with  a  sickness  to  death.  Then  the 
priests  and  others  gave  out,  that  he  was  turned 
to  be  of  their  religion,  and  taken  into  their  com 
munion:  But,  contrary  to  their  expectations, 
he  was  brought  back  from  the  gates  of  death, 
and  would  comply  with  none  of  their  rites; 
saying,  that  whilst  he  had  the  use  of  his 
reason,  he  never  spake  anything  in  favour  of 
their  religion;  and  that  he  never  disowned 
the  Protestant  faith,  nor  would  he  now.  So 
that  they  were  silenced  and  put  to  shame. 
There  is  no  reason  to  think  that  these  two 
women  were  any  more  papists  than  he;  but 
they  are  dead,  and  cannot  speak.  One  of  the 
witnesses,  spoken  of  in  the  fore-mentioned 
letter,  told  me,  she  knew  of  no  such  thing, 
and  said  Mr.  Meriel  told  her,  that  he  never 
heard  a  more  fervent  and  affectionate  prayer 
than  one  which  Esther  Jones  made  a  little 
before  her  death.  I  am  verily  persuaded, 
that  he  calls  that  prayer  to  God,  so  full  of 



affection  and  confession,  the  confession  made 
by  her  of  the  sins  of  her  whole  life.  These 
two  women  always  in  their  health,  and  so  in 
their  sickness,  opposed  all  popish  principles, 
as  all  that  knew  them  can  testify,  so  long  as 
they  could  be  permitted  to  go  and  speak  with 
them.  One  of  these  women  was  taken  from 
the  eastward,  and  the  other,  namely,  Esther 
Jones,  from  Northampton. 

In  the  beginning  of  March,  1706,  Mr.  Shel 
don  came  again  to  Canada,  with  letters  from 
his  excellency  our  governour,  at  which  time 
I  was  a  few  days  at  Quebec.  And  when  I 
was  there,  one  night  about  ten  o'clock,  there 
was  an  earthquake,  that  made  a  report  like 
a  cannon,  and  made  the  houses  to  tremble: 
It  was  heard  and  felt  many  leagues,  all  along 
the  island  of  St.  Laurence,  and  other  places. 
When  Mr.  Sheldon  came  the  second  time, 
the  adversaries  did  what  they  could  to  retard 
the  time  of  our  return,  to  gain  time  to  seduce 
our  young  ones  to  popery.  Such  were  sent 
away  who  were  judged  ungainable,  and  most 



of  the  younger  sort  still  kept.  Some  were  still 
flattered  with  promises  of  reward;  and  great 
essays  made  to  get  others  married  among 
them.  One  was  debauched,  and  then  in 
twenty-four  hours  of  time  published,  taken 
into  their  communion  and  married;  but  the 
poor  soul  has  had  time  since  to  lament  her 
sin  and  folly,  with  a  bitter  cry;  and  asks  your 
prayers,  that  God  of  his  sovereign  grace  would 
yet  bring  her  out  of  the  horrible  pit  she  has 
thrown  herself  into.  Her  name  was  Rachel 
Storer,  of  Wells. 

In  April,  one  Zebediah  Williams,  of  our 
town,  died  :  He  was  a  very  hopeful  and  pious 
young  man,  who  carried  himself  so  in  his 
captivity,  as  to  edify  several  of  the  English, 
and  recover  one  fallen  to  popery,  taken  the 
last  war;  though  some  were  enraged  against 
him  on  these  accounts;  yet  even  the 
French,  where  he  sojourned,  and  with  whom 
he  conversed,  would  say  he  was  a  good  man: 
One  that  was  very  prayerful  to  God,  and 
studious  and  painful  in  reading  the  holy 



Scriptures:  A  man  of  a  good  understanding, 
and  desirable  conversation.  In  the  begin 
ning  of  his  last  sickness,  he  made  me  a  visit, 
(before  he  went  to  the  hospital  at  Quebec), 
as  he  had  several  times  before,  to  my  great 
satisfaction  and  our  mutual  consolation  and 
comfort  in  our  captivity.  He  lived  not  above 
two  miles  from  me,  over  the  river,  at  the 
island  of  St.  Laurence,  about  six  week  or  two 
months.  After  his  death,  the  French  told 
me,  Zebediah  was  gone  to  hell,  and  damned: 
For,  said  they,  he  has  appeared,  since  his 
death,  to  one  Joseph  Egerly,  an  Englishman, 
who  was  taken  the  last  war,  in  flaming  fire,  tel 
ling  him,  "he  was  damned  for  refusing  to 
embrace  the  Romish  religion,  when  such 
pains  were  used  to  bring  him  to  the  true 
faith,  and  for  being  instrumental  to  draw 
him  away  from  the  Romish  communion,  for 
saking  the  mass;  and  was  therefore  now  come 
to  advertise  him  of  his  danger."  I  told  them  I 
judged  it  to  be  a  popish  lie;  saying,  I  bless 
God  our  religion  needs  no  lies  to  uphold, 



maintain,  and  establish  it,  as  theirs  did.  But 
they  affirmed  it  to  be  true,  telling  me,  how  God 
approved  of  their  religion,  and  witnessed 
miraculously  against  ours.  But  I  still  told 
them,  I  was  persuaded  his  soul  was  in  heaven, 
and  that  these  reports  were  only  devised 
fables  to  seduce  souls.  For  several  weeks 
they  affirmed  it,  telling  me,  that  all  who  came 
over  the  river  from  the  island  affirmed  it  to 
be  a  truth,  I  begged  of  God  to  blast  this 
hellish  design  of  theirs,  so  that  in  the  issue 
it  might  be  to  render  their  religion  more 
abominable,  and  that  they  might  not  gain 
one  soul  by  such  a  stratagem.  After  some 
weeks  had  passed  in  such  assertions,  there 
came  one  into  my  landlord's  house,  affirm 
ing  it  to  be  a  truth  reported  of  Zebediah, 
saying,  Joseph  Egerly  had  been  over  the  river, 
and  told  one  of  our  neighbours  this  story. 
After  a  few  hours  I  saw  that  neighbour,  and 
asked  him  whether  he  had  seen  Egerly 
lately;  he  said,  Yes;  What  news  told  he  to 
you  ?  None,  said  he.  Then  I  told  him  what  was 



affirmed  as  a  truth;  he  answered,  Egerly  said 
nothing  like  this  to  him,  and  he  was  persuaded 
he  would  have  told  him,  if  there  had  been 
any  truth  in  it.  About  a  week  after  this, 
came  one  John  Boult  from  the  island  of  St. 
Laurence,  a  lad  taken  from  Newfoundland,  a 
very  serious,  sober  lad,  of  about  seventeen 
years  of  age;  he  had  often  before  come  over 
with  Zebediah  to  visit  me.  At  his  coming  in, 
he  much  lamented  the  loss  of  Zebediah,  and 
told  me,  "That  for  several  weeks  they  had 
told  him  the  same  story,  affirming  it  to  be 
a  truth,  and  that  Egerly  was  so  awakened 
by  it,  as  to  go  again  to  mass  every  day;" 
urging  him,  "since  God,  in  such  a  miracu 
lous  way,  offered  such  conviction  of  the 
truth  of  their  religion,  and  the  falsehood  and 
danger  of  ours,  to  come  over  to  their  religion, 
or  else  his  damnation  would  be  dreadfully 
aggravated."  He  said,  "he  could  have  no 
rest  for  them  day  and  night,"  but  (said 
he)  "I  told  them  their  religion  was  contrary 
to  the  word  of  God,  and  therefore  I  would 



not  embrace  it;  and  that  I  did  not  believe 
what  they  said."  And  says  he  to  me,  "One 
day  I  was  sitting  in  the  house,  and  Egerly 
came  in,  and  I  spake  to  him  before  the  whole 
family  (in  the  French  tongue,  for  he  could 
not  speak  much  English)  and  asked  him  of 
this  story;  he  answered,  it  is  a  great  false 
hood,  saying,  he  never  appeared  to  me,  nor 
have  I  ever  reported  any  such  thing  to  any 
body;  and  that  he  had  never  been  at  mass 
since  Zebediah's  death."  At  the  hearing  of 
which,  they  were  silenced  and  put  to  shame. 
We  blessed  God  together,  for  discovering 
their  wickedness,  and  disappointing  them  at 
what  they  aimed  at,  and  prayed  to  God  to  de 
liver  us  and  all  the  captives  from  delusions,  and 
recover  them  who  had  fallen,  and  so  parted. 
After  which  I  took  my  pen  and  wrote  a  letter 
to  one  Mr.  Samuel  Hill,  an  English  captive, 
taken  from  Wells,  who  lived  at  Quebec,  and 
his  brother  Ebenezer  Hill,  to  make  a  discov 
ery  of  this  lying  plot,  to  warn  them  of  their 
danger,  and  assure  them  of  the  falsehood  of 



this  report;  but  the  letter  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  priests,  and  was  never  delivered.  This 
Egerly  came  home  with  us,  so  that  they 
gained  nothing  but  shame  by  this  stratagem. 
God  often  dissappoints  the  crafty  devices 
of  wicked  men. 

In  the  latter  end  of  summer,  they  told  me, 
"they  had  news  from  New-England,  by  one 
who  had  been  a  captive  at  Boston,  who  said 
that  the  ministers  at  Boston  had  told  the 
French  captives,  that  the  Protestant  religion 
was  the  only  true  religion;  and  that  as  a  con 
firmation  of  it,  they  would  raise  a  dead  per 
son  to  life  before  their  eyes,  for  their  convic 
tion;  and  that  having  persuaded  one  to  feign 
himself  dead,  they  came  and  prayed  over 
him,  and  then  commanded  him  in  the  name 
of  Christ,  (whose  religion  they  kept  pure)  to 
arise;  they  called  and  commanded,  but  he 
never  arose;  so  that  instead  of  raising  the 
dead,  they  killed  the  living;  which  the  be 
reaved  relations  discovered."  I  told  them, 
"it  was  an  old  lie  and  calumny  against 



Luther  and  Calvin,  new  vamped,  and  that  they 
only  change  the  persons  and  place;"  but  they 
affirmed  it  to  be  a  truth:  I  told  them,  "I 
wondered  they  were  so  fond  of  a  faith  propa 
gated,  and  then  maintained  by  lying  words." 

We  were  always  out  of  hopes  of  being  re 
turned  before  winter,  the  season  proving  so 
cold  in  the  latter  end  of  September,  and  were 
praying  to  God  to  prepare  our  hearts,  with  an 
holy  submission  to  his  holy  will,  to  glorify 
his  holy  name  in  a  way  of  passive  obedience 
in  the  winter.  For  my  own  part,  I  was  in 
formed  by  several  who  came  from  the  city, 
that  the  lord  intendant  said,  if  More  returned, 
and  brought  word  that  Battis  was  in  prison, 
he  would  put  me  into  prison,  and  lay  me  in 
irons.  They  would  not  permit  me  to  go  into 
the  city,  saying,  I  always  did  harm  when  I 
came  to  the  city,  and  if  at  any  time  I  was  at 
the  city,  they  would  persuade  the  governour 
to  send  me  back  again. 

In  the  beginning  of  last  June,  the  superiour 
of  the  priests  came  to  the  parish  where  I  was, 



and  told  me,  he  saw  I  wanted  my  friend  Cap 
tain  de  Beauville,  and  that  I  was  ragged. 
But,  says  he,  your  obstinacy  against  our  relig 
ion  discourages  from  providing  better  clothes. 
I  told  him,  it  was  better  going  in  a  ragged  coat, 
than  with  a  ragged  conscience. 

In  the  beginning  of  last  June,  went  out  an 
army  of  five  hundred  Macquas  and  Indians, 
with  an  intention  to  have  fallen  on  some 
English  towns  down  Connecticut  river;  but 
lighting  on  a  Scatacook  Indian,  who  after 
wards  ran  away  in  the  night,  they  were  dis 
couraged;  saying,  he  would  alarm  the  whole 
country.  About  fifty,  as  some  say,  or  eighty, 
as  others,  returned.  Thus  God  restrained 
their  wrath. 

When  they  were  promising  themselves  an 
other  winter,  to  draw  away  the  English  to 
popery,  came  news  that  an  English  brigan- 
tine  was  coming,  and  that  the  honourable 
Capt.  Samuel  Appleton,  Esq.  was  coming  am 
bassador,  to  fetch  off  the  captives,  and  Capt. 
John  Bonner  with  him.  I  cannot  tell  you 



how  the  clergy  and  others  laboured  to  stop 
many  of  the  prisoners.  To  some,  liberty; 
to  others,  money  and  yearly  pensions,  were 
offered,  if  they  would  stay.  Some  they  urged 
to  tarry  at  least  till  the  spring  of  the  year,  tell 
ing  them,  it  was  so  late  in  the  year,  they  would 
be  lost  by  ship-wreck  if  they  went  now;  some 
younger  ones  they  told,  if  they  went  home, 
they  would  be  damned,  and  burn  in  hell 
forever,  to  affright  them.  Day  and  night 
they  were  urging  of  them,  to  stay.  And  I 
was  threatened  to  be  sent  abroad,  without  a 
permission  to  come  ashore  again,  if  I  should 
again  discourse  with  any  of  the  English  who 
were  turned  to  their  religion.  At  Montreal, 
especially,  all  crafty  endeavours  were  used 
to  stay  the  English.  They  told  my  child,  if 
he  would  stay,  he  should  have  an  honourable 
pension  from  the  king  every  year;  and  that 
his  master,  who  was  an  old  man,  and  the 
richest  in  Canada,  would  give  him  a  great 
deal;  telling  him,  if  he  returned  he  would  be 
poor,  for  (said  they)  your  father  is  poor,  has 



lost  all  his  estate,  it  was  all  burnt.  But  he 
would  not  be  prevailed  with  to  stay.  Others 
were  also  in  like  manner  urged  to  stay;  but 
God  graciously  brake  the  snare,  and  brought 
them  out.  They  endeavoured,  in  the  fall  of 
the  year,  to  prevail  with  my  son  to  go  to 
France,  when  they  saw  he  would  not  come 
to  their  communion  any  more.  One  woman, 
belonging  to  the  eastern  parts,  who  had,  by 
their  persuasions,  married  an  English  cap 
tive,  taken  the  last  war,  came  away  with  her 
husband,  which  made  them  say,  they  were 
sorry  they  ever  persuaded  her  to  turn  to  their 
religion,  and  then  to  marry.  For  instead  of 
advancing  their  cause  by  it,  they  had 
weakened  it ;  for  now  they  had  not  only 
lost  her,  but  another  they  thought  they  had 
made  sure  of.  Another  woman,  belonging  to 
the  eastward,  who  had  been  flattered  to  their 
religion,  to  whom  a  Bible  was  denied,  till  she 
promised  to  embrace  their  religion,  and  then 
had  the  promise  of  it  for  a  little  time,  opening 
her  Bible  whilst  in  the  church,  and  present  at 



mass,  she  read  the  fourth  chapter  of  Deuter 
onomy,  and  received  such  conviction  whilst 
reading,  that  before  her  first  communion, 
she  fell  off  from  them,  and  could  never  be 
prevailed  with  any  more  to  be  of  their  religion. 

We  have  reason  to  bless  God,  who  has 
wrought  deliverance  for  so  many,  and  yet  to 
pray  to  God  for  a  door  of  escape  to  be  opened 
for  the  great  number  yet  behind,  not  much 
short  of  an  hundred,  many  of  whom  are  chil 
dren,  and  of  these  not  a  few  among  the 
savages;  and  having  lost  the  English  tongue, 
will  be  lost,  and  turn  savages  in  a  little  time, 
unless  something  extraordinary  prevent. 

The  vessel  that  came  for  us,  in  its  voyage 
to  Canada,  struck  on  a  bar  of  sands,  and  there 
lay  in  very  great  hazard  for  four  tides;  and  yet 
they  saw  reason  to  bless  God  for  striking 
there;  for  had  they  got  over  that  bar,  they 
would  at  midnight,  in  a  storm  of  snow,  have 
run  upon  a  terrible  ledge  of  rocks. 

We  came  away  from  Quebec  on  October 
25;  and  by  contrary  winds  and  a  great  storm, 



we  were  retarded,  and  then  driven  back  near 
the  city,  and  had  a  great  deliverance  from 
shipwreck,  the  vessel  striking  twice  on  a  rock 
in  that  storm.  But  through  God's  goodness, 
we  all  arrived  in  safety  at  Boston,  November 
21 ;  the  number  of  captives  fifty-seven,  two  of 
whom  were  my  children.  I  have  yet  a  daugh 
ter  of  ten  years  of  age,  and  many  neighbours 
whose  case  bespeaks  your  compassion,  and 
prayers  to  God  to  gather  them,  being  out 
casts  ready  to  perish. 

At  our  arrival  at  Boston,  we  found  the 
kindnesses  of  the  Lord  in  a  wonderful  man 
ner,  in  God's  opening  the  hearts  of  many,  to 
bless  God  with  us  and  for  us,  wonderfully  to 
give  for  our  supplies  in  our  needy  state.  We 
are  under  obligations  to  praise  God,  for  dis 
posing  the  hearts  of  so  many  to  so  great  char 
ity,  and  under  great  bonds  to  pray  for  a  bles 
sing  on  the  heads,  hearts  and  families  of  them, 
who  so  liberally  and  plentifully  gave  for  our 
relief.  It  is  certain,  that  the  charity  of  the 
whole  country  of  Canada,  though  moved  with 



the  doctrines  of  merit,  does  not  come  up  to 
the  charity  of  Boston  alone,  where  notions 
of  merit  are  rejected;  but  acts  of  charity 
performed  out  of  a  right  Christian  spirit,  from 
a  spirit  of  thankfulness  to  God,  out  of  obed 
ience  to  God's  command,  and  unfeigned  love 
and  charity  to  them  that  are  of  the  same  fam 
ily  and  household  of  faith.  The  Lord  grant, 
that  all  who  devise  such  liberal  things,  may 
find  the  accomplishment  of  the  promises 
made  by  God,  in  their  own  persons,  and  theirs 
after  them,  from  generation  to  generation. 

I  SHALL  annex  a  short  account  of  the  troubles  begin 
ning  to  arise  in  Canada.  On  May  16,  arrived  a  canoe  at 
Quebec,  which  brought  letters  from  Mississippi,  written 
the  May  preceeding,  giving  an  account  that  the  plague 
was  there,  and  that  one  hundred  and  fifty  French,  in  a 
very  little  time,  had  died  of  it;  and  that  the  savages,  called 
the  Lezilouways,  were  very  turbulent,  and  had  with  their 
arrows  wounded  a  Jesuit  in  five  places,  and  killed  a 
Frenchman  that  waited  on  him.  In  July,  news  came, 
that  the  nations  up  the  river  were  engaged  in  a  war  one 
against  the  other,  and  that  the  French  living  so  among 
them,  and  trading  with  them,  were  in  great  danger;  that 



the  Mitchelmacquinas  had  made  war  with  the  Mizian- 
mies,  and  had  killed  a  mendicant  friar,  and  three  other 
Frenchmen,  and  eleven  savages,  at  a  place  called  the 
straits,  where  they  are  settling  a  garrison  and  place  for 
traffick;  the  Mitchelmacquinas  had  taken  sixteen  French 
men  prisoners,  and  burnt  their  trading  houses.  These 
tidings  made  the  French  very  full  of  perplexing  troubles; 
but  the  Jesuits  are  endeavouring  to  pacify  them;  but  the 
troubles,  when  we  came  away,  were  rather  encreasing 
than  lessening;  for  the  last  letters  from  the  French  pris 
oners  at  Mitchel-macquina*  report,  that  the  savages  had 
sent  out  two  companies,  one  of  an  hundred  and  fifty, 
another  of  an  hundred  and  sixty,  against  the  savages  at 
the  straits;  and  they  feared,  they  would  engage  as  well 
against  the  French  as  the  Indians. 

THE      END. 

*The  present  Mackinaw,  on  the  Strait  of  Mackinac,  or  Mackinaw, 
formerly  Michilimackinac,  between  I,akes  Michigan  and  Huron. 

Reports  of  DIVINE  KINDNESS;  or  Remarkable 
Mercies  should  be  faithfully  published,  for 
the  Praise  of  GOD  the  Giver; 

SET      FORTH      IN     A 


PREACHED  AT  BOSTON  LECTURE,  December  5,  1706. 


Pastor  of  the  CHURCH  of  CHRIST  in  Deerfield, 
soon  after  his  Return  from  Captivity. 

PSALM  cvii.  13,  14,  15,  32.  He  saved  them  out  of  their 
distresses.  He  brought  them  out  of  darkness,  and  the 
shadow  of  death;  and  brake  their  bands  in  sunder.  0 
that  men  would  praise  the  Lord  for  his  goodness;  and 
for  his  wonderful  works  to  the  children  of  men. — Let 
them  exalt  him  also  in  the  congregation  of  the  people,  and 
praise  him  in  the  assembly  of  the  elders. 

PSALM  xxxiv.  3.  0  magnify  the  Lord  with  me,  and  let  us 
exalt  his  name  together. 

LUKE  vin.  39. 

Return  to  thine  own  house ,  and  shew  how  great 
things  GOD  hath  done  unto  thee. — 

THE  infinitely  wise  disposer  of  all  things, 
who  aims  at  his  own  glory,  in  the  governing 


146  SERMON 

of  rational  creatures,  doth  sometimes  bring 
persons  into  the  depths  of  distress;  and  then 
magnify  his  power  and  grace  in  raising  them 
up  out  of  their  afflictions:  And  in  many  re 
spects,  by  such  things,  he  has  a  design  of  ad 
vancing  his  own  honour  and  glory  in  the 
world.  We  find  in  the  context,  a  person  in  a 
very  doleful,  distressed  condition:  He  seems 
to  be  forsaken  of  God,  and  made  a  possession 
and  dwelling  place  of  evil  spirits,  deprived 
of  all  human  comforts  and  delights,  made 
to  possess  sorrow  and  pain  to  such  a  degree, 
as  to  be  a  common  subject  or  theme  of  dis 
course  for  all  men  to  relate  doleful  things 
about.  And  afterward,  God,  in  very  re 
markable  and  wonderful  works  of  power 
and  mercy,  not  only  gives  release  from  his 
sorrowful  possession,  but  he  is  sitting  at  the 
feet  of  Jesus,  cloathed,  and  in  his  right  mind. 
Now  this  was  done  for  the  declarative  and 
manifestative  glory  and  honour  of  God.  For 
when  this  man,  for  whom  such  great  things 
had  been  done,  petitions  Christ  that  he  may 


SERMON  147 

abide  with  him,  to  hear  from  him,  and  pay 
his  respects  to  him;  he  receives  command 
ment,  to  be  glorifying  the  power  and  mercy 
of  God,  in  declaring  to  others  what  great 
things  God  had  done  for  him. 

1.  A  subject  of  great  mercy;  or  a  person 
spoken  of,  for  whom  God  had  done  great 
things,  bestowed  eminent  mercies. 

2.  A    particular    and    special    command 
from  Christ,  to  be  glorifying  God  in  relating 
to  others,  what  mercies  he  had  been  the  sub 
ject  of. 

3.  His  obedience  to  the  great  command 
of  Christ.     He  went  and  published  the  great 
things  done  for  him  by  Christ;  so  that  from 
the  command  of  Christ,  and    his  obedience 
to  it,  for  which  he  is  commended,  you  may 
observe  this  doctrinal  conclusion. 

DOCT.  It  well  becomes  those  who  have  had 
eminent  mercies,  to  be  shewing  to  others 
what  great  things  God  has  done  for  them. 

The    holy    Scriptures,    in     many     places, 


148  SERMON 

confirm  this  truth.  See  Exod.  xii.  25,  26,  27. 
And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  when  ye  be  come  to  the 
land,  which  the  Lord  will  give  you,  according 
as  he  hath  promised,  that  ye  shall  keep  this 
service.  And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  when  your 
children  shall  say  unto  you,  what  mean  you 
by  this  service?  That  ye  shall  say,  it  is  the 
sacrifice  of  the  Lord's  passover,  who  passed 
over  the  houses  of  the  children  of  Israel  in 
Egypt,  when  he  smote  the  Egyptians,  and  de 
livered  our  houses.  Exod.  xiii.  8,  10.  And 
thou  shalt  shew  thy  son  in  that  day,  saying, 
this  is  done  because  of  that  which  the  Lord  did 
unto  me,  when  I  came  forth  out  of  Egypt.  Thou 
shalt  therefore  keep  this  ordinance  in  his  sea 
son  from  year  to  year.  Psal.  Ixxviii.  3,  4. 
Which  we  have  heard  and  known,  and  our 
fathers  have  told  us;  we  will  not  hide  them 
from  our  children,  shewing  to  the  generation 
to  come  the  praises  of  the  Lord;  and  his  strength, 
and  his  wonderful  works  that  he  hath  done. 
In  the  prosecution  and  handling  of  this 
truth,  consider, 

I.  They 

SERMON  149 

I.  They  who  have  had  mercies,  have  had 
them  from  God.  God  is  the  bestower  and 
giver  of  all  our  good  things:  All  our  mercies 
come  to  us  by  a  divine  providence,  and  order 
ing;  not  by  casualty  or  accident:  Neither  are 
they  of  our  own  procuring  and  purchasing, 
or  others,  so  as  to  exclude  the  providential 
disposing  of  God.  It  is  God  who  returns 
the  captivity  of  Zion,  Psalm  cxxvi.  begin. 
When  the  Lord  turned  again  the  captivity  of 
Zion,  we  were  like  them  that  dream:  Then  was 
our  mouth  filled  with  laughter,  and  our  tongue 
with  singing.  Then  said  they  among  the 
heathen,  the  Lord  hath  done  great  things  for 
them.  The  Lord  hath  done  great  things  for 
us;  whereof  we  are  glad:  Turn  again  our 
captivity,  0  Lord.  The  very  heathen 
acknowledge  the  good  things  bestowed  upon, 
and  done  for  the  church,  to  be  from  God;  and 
God's  own  people  acknowledge  him  for  the 
mercies  granted,  and  humbly  supplicate  mer 
cies  from  him  for  the  future.  It  is  God  who 
gathers  the  out-casts  of  Israel:  It  is  he  who 



takes  away  the  captives  of  the  mighty,  the 
prey  of  the  terrible;  who  contends  with  them 
that  contend  with  us,  and  saves  our  children. 
It  is  God  who  disperseth  and  gathers  again: 
Therefore  the  psalmist,  Psal.  ciii.  bigin.  calls 
upon  his  soul  to  bless  the  Lord,  and  not  to 
forget  all  his  benefits:  and  saith,  It  is  God 
who  forgiveth  all  thy  iniquities,  who  healeth 
all  thy  diseases:  Who  redeemeth  thy  life  from 
destruction,  who  crowneth  thee  with  loving 
kindness  and  tender  mercies,  &c.  Sometimes 
God,  in  a  more  immediate  and  extraordinary 
way  and  manner,  confers  blessings  and  mer 
cies;  sometimes  in  a  more  ordinary  and 
mediate  way;  but  his  providence  is  to  be 
acknowledged  in  all:  Not  one  single  mercy 
comes  to  us,  without  a  commission  from  that 
God  by  whom  our  very  hairs  are  numbered. 
II.  It  well  becomes  those  who  have  had 
eminent  mercies,  to  be  shewing  to  others  what 
great  things  God  hath  done  for  them.  There 
fore  you  find  the  holy  psalmist  calling  upon 
others,  to  give  a  listening  ear,  whilst  he  makes 

a  narration 


a  narration  of  the  salvations  he  had  from  God, 
Psal.  Ixvi.  1  6.  Come  and  hear,  all  you  that 
fear  God,  and  I  will  declare  what  he  hath 
done  for  my  soul. 

1st  Reason.  Because  God  aimed  at  the 
advancement  of  his  own  honour  and  glory, 
in  the  giving  and  dealing  out  of  these  mercies. 
God  makes  and  disposeth  all  things  for  his 
own  honour  and  glory.  All  works  of  provi 
dence  are  some  way  or  other  to  advance  the 
honour  and  glory  of  God  in  the  world.  The 
glory  of  his  power,  wisdom,  mercy,  justice 
and  holiness,  are  some  way  or  other  advanced 
in  a  declarative  and  manifestative  way  and 
manner.  Now  it  well  becomes  us  to  fall  in 
with  the  design  of  God,  and  in  an  active  man 
ner  to  be  giving  him  glory.  That  God  de 
signs  to  have  glory  given  to  him,  is  evident 
from  Psal.  1.  15.  And  call  upon  me  in  the 
day  of  trouble,  I  will  deliver  thee,  and  thou 
shalt  glorify  me.  Exod.  vii.  5.  And  the 
Egyptians  shall  know  that  I  am  the  Lord, 
when  I  stretch  forth  mine  hand  upon  Egypt,  and 


152  SERMON 

bring  out  the  children  of  Israel  from  among 
them.  God  has  a  design  to  magnify  his 
power,  mercy  and  covenant  faithfulness,  in 
the  eyes  of  the  world. 

id  Reason.  Because  God  has  given  us 
direct  precepts,  and  positive  commands,  in 
this  way,  to  be  glorifying  of  him.  God  is 
our  Lord  and  lawgiver,  and  he  requires,  that 
among  other  ways  of  shewing  forth  his  praises 
we  do  it  by  rehearsing  his  praise-worthy  acts 
to  the  children  of  men:  So  that  in  obedience 
to  God,  and  answering  that  high  and  noble 
end  we  were  made  for,  it  is  requisite  that  in 
this  way  we  glorify  God.  It  is  enough,  that 
the  great  God,  who  hath  taken  us  into  cove 
nant  relation  to  himself,  has  enjoined  us 
to  shew  forth  his  praises,  in  rehearsing  to 
others  the  salvations  and  favours  we  have 
been  the  subjects  of.  The  forementioned 
Scriptures,  with  many  others  that  might  be 
enumerated,  sufficiently  demonstrate,  that 
God  calls  for  our  thankful  acknowledg 
ments  in  this  way;  and  upon  the  account  of 


SERMON  153 

this  being  so  agreeable  to  the  revealed  and 
perceptive  will  of  God,  the  psalmist  expres- 
seth  himself,  as  in  Psal.  cxlv.  4,  5,  6.  One 
generation  shall  praise  thy  works  to  another, 
and  shall  declare  thy  mighty  acts.  I  will 
speak  of  the  glorious  honour  of  thy  majesty, 
and  of  thy  wondrous  works.  And  men  shall 
speak  of  the  might  of  thy  terrible  acts:  And  I 
will  declare  thy  greatness.  They  shall  abun 
dantly  utter  the  memory  of  thy  great  goodness; 
and  shall  sing  of  thy  righteousness.  Verses 
10,  II,  12.  All  thy  works  shall  praise  thee, 
0  Lord;  and  thy  saints  shall  bless  thee.  They 
shall  speak  of  the  glory  of  thy  kingdom,  and 
talk  of  thy  power:  To  make  known  to  the  sons 
of  men  his  mighty  acts,  and  the  glorious  majesty 
of  his  kingdom. 

%d  Reason.  Because  hereby  they  will  stir 
up  others  to  bless  God  with  them,  and  for 
them.  A  truly  gracious  soul  finds  by  ex 
perience,  that  he  can  do  but  a  little  in  glorify 
ing  God,  and  finds  how  far  he  falls  short  of 
the  rule  of  duty  in  so  reasonable  a  service 


154  SERMON 

as  glorifying  God.  '  And  being  enlarged  in 
desires  that  the  glory  due  to  God  might  be 
given  him,  doth  call  upon  others  to  join  with 
him  in  this  heavenly  service  of  praising  God; 
and  therefore  tells  them  what  great  things 
God  has  done.  Psalm  xxxiv.  2,  3,  4,  6.  My 
soul  shall  make  her  boast  in  the  Lord:  The 
humble  shall  hear  thereof,  and  be  glad.  0 
magnify  the  Lord  with  me,  and  let  us  exalt 
his  name  together.  I  sought  the  Lord,  and 
he  heard  me;  and  delivered  me  from  all  my 
fears.  This  poor  man  cried,  and  the  Lord 
heard  him;  and  saved  him  out  of  all  his 
troubles.  When  Moses  told  his  father-in-law 
Jethro,  the  great  things  God  had  done  for 
Israel,  he  glorifies  God  on  their  hehalf,  Exod. 
xviii.  8,  &c.  And  Moses  told  his  father-in- 
law,  all  that  the  Lord  had  done  unto  Pharaoh, 
and  to  the  Egyptians  for  Israel's  sake,  and  all 
the  travail  that  had  come  upon  them  by  the  way, 
and  how  the  Lord  delivered  them.  And  Jethro 
rejoiced  for  all  the  goodness  which  the  Lord 
had  done  to  Israel;  whom  he  had  delivered 


SERMON  155 

out  of  the  hand  of  the  Egyptians.  And  Jethro 
said,  blessed  be  the  Lord,  who  hath  delivered 
you  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Egyptians, 
and  out  of  the  hand  of  Pharaoh,  who  hath 
delivered  the  people  from  under  the  hand  of 
the  Egyptians.  Now  I  know  that  the  Lord 
is  greater  than  all  gods:  For  in  the  thing  wherein 
they  dealt  proudly,  he  was  above  them.  By 
this  means,  thanks  will  be  given  to  God  by 
many:  As  many  have  been  praying  to  God  for 
them,  so  many  will  be  praising  and  blessing 
God  with  them,and  for  them. 

4//z  Reason.  Because  hereby  they  will 
oftentimes  be  advised  and  counselled  how  to 
improve  such  mercies  to  the  glory  of  God. 
We  are  conscious  to  ourselves  of  so  much 
blindness,  ignorance,  and  darkness,  that  we 
cannot  but  own  it  a  great  thing  to  be  in  a 
way  for  the  best  counsel,  what  to  do  with  our 
mercies,  and  what  and  how  to  return  to  God 
for  them.  Now  the  publishing  the  great 
things  done  by  God  for  us,  puts  others  in  a 
capacity  to  be  advising  and  telling  us  what 


156  SERMON 

temptations  we  may  expect  to  meet  with,  and 
what  will  be  needful  on  our  part  to  avoid 
temptations,  and  how  to  over-come;  they  will 
be  counselling  us,  how  to  be  in  a  way  of  ren 
dering  to  the  Lord  according  to  the  bene 
fits  done  unto  us;  what  duties  God  looks 
for  the  performance  of,  and  directions  how 
to  do  duty.  In  a  word,  we  may  be  counselled 
how  to  order  our  whole  conversation  so  as 
God  may  have  glory,  and  our  good  purposes 
of  honouring  and  glorifying  God  with  our 
mercies,  established.  Prov.  xx.  18.  Every 
purpose  is  established  by  counsel.  When  Mo 
ses  had  told  Jethro  what  great  things  God  had 
done  for  Israel,  he  saith,  Exod.  xviii.  19. 
Hearken  now  unto  my  voice,  I  will  give  thee 
counsel,  and  God  shall  be  with  thee,  £ffc. 

5//z  Reason.  Because  hereby  they  will  be 
instrumental  to  put  others  upon  trusting  God, 
making  him  their  hope  and  refuge  in  an  evil 
day.  Others  will  be  excited  to  a  seeking 
refuge  under  the  shadow  of  his  wings,  Psal. 
xliv.  begin.  We  have  heard  with  our  ears, 


SERMON  157 

0  God,  our  fathers  have  told  us,  what  work 
thou  didst  in  their  days,  in  the  times  of  old. 
How  thou  didst  drive  out  the  heathen,  &c. 
And  then  it  is  said,  Thou  art  my  king,  O  God: 
Command  deliverances  for  Jacob.  'Through 
thee  will  we  push  down  our  enemies:  Through 
thy  name  will  we  tread  them  under  that  rise 
up  against  us.  For  I  will  not  trust  in  my 
bow,  neither  shall  my  sword  save  me.  In 
God  we  boast  all  the  day  long.  Others  that 
have  heard,  will  say,  such  and  such  an  one 
was  thus  exercised,  and  God  appeared  for 
them,  and  put  songs  of  praise  to  the  Lord 
into  their  mouths;  we  will  commit  our  case 
to  God  too;  we  will  both  hope  and  quietly 
wait  for  God's  salvation  too.  Your  telling 
others,  how  you  have  found  God  a  prayer- 
hearing  God,  will  encourage  them,  prayer- 
wise,  to  be  committing  their  distresses  and 
difficult  cases  to  him.  What  an  honour  to 
be  instrumental  to  any  soul's  comfort,  and 
God's  honour;  agreeable  to  this  is  that  Psal. 
Ixxviii.  5,  6,  7.  Which  he  commanded  our 


158  SERMON 

fathers,  that  they  should  make  them  known  to 
their  children:  That  the  generation  to  come 
might  know  them,  even  the  children  which 
should  be  born;  who  should  arise  and  declare 
them  to  their  children:  That  they  might  set 
their  hope  in  God,  and  not  forget  the  works 
of  God;  but  keep  his  commandments. 

6th  Reason.  Because  the  works  of  God 
towards  them  have  been  very  wonderful.  The 
psalmist  often  speaks  of  the  works  of  God  as 
marvelous;  they  are  wonderful,  if  we  consider 
how  God  timed  the  mercy;  when  their  feet 
well  nigh  slipt,  when  they  could  see  no  way 
of  escape;  as  with  the  children  of  Israel  at 
the  Red  Sea.  How  very  wonderful  and  mar 
vellous  was  the  work  of  God,  in  putting  by  the 
wicked  purpose  of  Haman  against  Mordecai 
and  the  Jews  ?  If  we  consider  how  God 
kept  from  falling,  by  making  them  pass  a 
right  judgment  on  their  ways  and  his  ways, 
as  Psal.  Ixxiii.  Yea,  appearing  to  save  them, 
when  with  Jonah  they  were  saying,  They 
were  cast  out  of  God's  sight.  All  refuge  seemed 


SERMON  159 

to  fail,  none  shewing  any  care  for  their  soul; 
even  then  God  made  good  his  word,  on  which 
he  had  caused  them  to  hope,  as  Psalm  cxlii. 
per  totum.  The  works  of  God  are  marvel 
lous,  if  we  consider  the  way  and  manner  of 
ushering  in  the  mercy,  the  instruments  that 
were  made  use  of,  and  how  he  disappointed 
the  counsels  of  the  crafty. 

Jth  Reason.  Because  it  is  a  good  evidence, 
that  they  regarded  and  took  notice  of  the 
works  of  God  in  mercy,  and  would  not  for 
get  his  wonderful  works  towards  them.  For 
hereby  they  put  others  under  advantages  to 
put  them  in  mind  what  favours  they  have 
received  from  God. 

*  USE  I.  OF  INSTRUCTION.  And,  First,  It 
informs  us  that  it  is  very  acceptable  to  God,  for 
Christians  to  entertain  the  report  of  the  exper 
iences  of  others,  to  excite  their  own  hearts  to 
glorify  God.  For  if  God  make  it  a  duty  in 
the  receiver  to  report,  it  lays  the  hearer  under 
an  obligation  to  set  such  remarks  upon  the 
passages  of  divine  providence  to  others,  as 


l6o  SERMON 

may  be  useful  to  engage  their  hearts  to  glorify 
God,  for  the  favours  and  blessings  he  has 
bestowed  upon  others.  And  therefore,  in  obe 
dience  to  God's  command,  that  you  may 
be  under  advantages  to  glorify  God,  I  will  ; 
now  make  a  report  of  some  of  the  great  things 
God  has  done  for  those  you  have  been  put 
ting  up  so  many  prayers  to  God  for.  God 
has  eminently  been  fufilling  that  word,  Psalm 
cvi.  46.  He  made  them  also  to  be  pitied,  of 
all  those  that  carried  them  captives. 

God  hath  made  those  whose  characters 
have  been,  that  they  were  such  whose  ten 
der  mercies  were  cruelties;  such  from  whom 
one  act  of  pity  and  compassion  could  scarce  be 
expected,  even  such  who  have  delighted  in 
cruelty;  to  pity  and  compassionate  such  wBb 
were  led  into  captivity  by  them.  Made  them 
bear  on  their  arms,  and  carry  on  their  shoul 
ders,  our  little  ones,  unable  to  travel.  Feed 
their  prisoners  with  the  best  of  their  provis 
ion:  Yea,  sometimes  pinch  themselves,  as  to 
their  daily  food,  rather  than  their  captives. 



SERMON  l6l 

To  pity  them  under  sickness,  and  afford  all 
proper  means  for  the  restoration  of  their 
health,  or  recovery  from  lameness.  Made 
heathen's  bowels  yearn  towards  poor  infants 
exposed  to  death,  so  as  to  work  out  their 
deliverance  from  fatal  strokes,  by  burdening 
of  themselves.  Oh!  let  us  adore  the  riches 
of  the  grace  of  God,  who  in  wrath  remembers 
mercy,  and  doth  not  stir  up  all  his  wrath; 
and  from  hence  be  encouraged,  when  under 
convictions  of  God's  being  angry  with  us, 
yet  to  look  to  him  for  mercy. 

God  has  upheld  many  poor  souls  under  all 
manner  of  disadvantages,  as  to  getting  of 
knowledge,  and  kept  them  from  falling, 
though  crafty  adversaries  were  under  all  ad 
vantages,  and  painful  endeavours  used  to 
seduce  them.  Being  without  Bibles,  minis 
ters,  or  Christian  friends  to  confer  with,  daily 
harrassed  with  temptations  and  tempters  : 
Some  threatened,  some  flattered,  some  shut 
up  and  confined  in  monasteries,  where  no 
means  were  unessayed  to  gain  them  to  change 
their  religion.  God 


l62  SERMON 

God  has  strengthened  them  to  go  through 
tedious  journeys,  and  renewed  strength,  when 
they  were  even  fainting  in  their  spirits; 
thinking  it  not  possible  to  travel  five  miles,  and 
yet  enabled  to  travel  at  least  forty  in  a  day. 
Remarkably  ordering  seasons,  so  as  to  be  for 
their  comfort  in  their  travels;  causing  a  moist 
snow  to  fall  on  the  lake,  only  to  such  a  height 
as  to  make  it  easy  to  their  swoln  and  wounded 
feet:  Changing  the  winds  for  their  advantages, 
in  petty  voyages,  in  their  ticklish  canoes. 

They  have  found  God  a  little  sanctuary  to 
them,  in  the  land  of  strangers;  even  there  they 
have  found  the  consolations  of  God  through 
Christ  not  to  be  small;  so  that  some  of  the 
most  joyful  and  refreshing  favours  from 
heaven,  have  been  given  in  to  their  souls, 
when  under  all  sorts  of  outward  afflictions. 

They  have  found  God  a  God  hearing  pray 
ers,  when  they  have  gone  to  him  with  their 
most  difficult  cases,  preserving  them  from 
falling;  recovering  theirs  from  falls;  to 
making  void  the  counsels  of  adversaries, 


SERMON  163 

disappointing  them  in  the  things  they  dealt 
most  proudly  in.  God  has  brought  his  to  a 
resignation  to  his  will,  and  then  appeared 
dealing  out  mercies,  as  the  very  case  did 

God  has  sanctified  to  some,  their  former 
Sabbath  solemn  attendances  on  duties  of 
piety,  private  as  well  as  publick;  and  a  re 
ligious  education  to  be  an  unanswerable  ob 
jection  against  such  who  were  zealous  for 
the  traditions  of  men,  to  a  visible  profaning 
God's  Sabbaths.  They  durst  not  embrace 
that  religion,  whose  principles  as  well  as 
practices,  were  so  contrary  to  the  precepts 
of  God's  holy  word.  Oh  !  how  should  minis 
ters  and  parents  be  encouraged  from  hence  to 
use  their  utmost  care,  that  God's  Sabbaths 
may  beduly  sanctified  by  allundertheircharge; 
and  that  they  would  be  exemplary  before 
others,  in  a  due  observance  of  holy  time. 

God  has  made  the  falls  of  some  to  popery 
a  means  for  the  recovery  of  others;  and  mak 
ing  those  things,  by  which  the  adversary 


164  SERMON 

thought  to  increase  their  numbers  and  prose 
lytes,  to  be  occasional  of  recovering  such  who 
from  their  youth  had  been  educated  in  the 
popish  way;  having  been  taken  captives  when 
young.  Do  not  be  discouraged,  and  say, 
your  friends  and  relations  have  (being  cap 
tivated  when  young)  for  a  long  time  lived  in 
popery,  and  therefore  no  hopes  of  recovery; 
for  God  can  make  dry  bones,  very  dry,  to  live, 
and  can  in  ways  unthought  of  by  you,  both 
recover  them  after  they  have  fallen,  and  return 
them  again.  The  adversaries  have  some 
times  pretended  miracles  for  the  confirmation 
of  their  religion,  that  they  might  seduce 
to  popery;  in  fallacious  ways  caused  re 
ports  that  some  captives  died  papists;  that 
one  appeared  in  flames  of  fire  to  bear  a  tes 
timony  against  the  Protestant  religion;  but 
God  has,  in  his  wise  providence,  made  known 
their  falsehoods  and  lies. 

They  have  sought  to  persuade  some,  by 
sums  of  money,  to  change  their  religion,  offer 
ing  honour  and  advancement  to  them  at  the 


SERMON  165 

same  time;  but  God  has  enabled  them  to 
resist  and  hate  such  allurements. 

The  reading  the  fourth  chapter  of  Deuter 
onomy,  a  means  of  recovering  one  from 

God  has  made  some,  with  an  heroical,  yea 
with  a  right  Christian  courage,  to  welcome 
death.  Oh  let  every  one  get  such  a  prepared 
ness  for  death,  that  a  sudden  death  may  not 
be  a  terror! 

God  has  made  some,  by  the  want  of  sanc 
tuary  mercies,  to  set  an  higher  value  upon  the 
ordinances  of  Jesus  Christ.  Oh  learn  to 
prize  and  improve  them,  lest  God  teach  you, 
by  the  briars  and  thorns  of  the  wilderness, 
the  worth  of  them,  and  make  you  weep  when 
you  sit  down  at  the  rivers  of  Babylon. 

God  has  strengthened  some  to  stand,  when 
they  have  not  only  been  threatened  with  all 
cruelties  if  they  refused,  but  when  the  hatchet 
has  been  lifted  up,  with  a  threatening  of 
speedy  death  in  case  of  refusal.  Oh  let  every 
one  trust  in  God,  who  is  a  seasonable  help 
and  a  present  refuge!  INSTRUCTION 

l66  SERMON 

INSTRUCTION  II.  How  they  are  to  blame, 
that  do  not  regard  and  take  notice  of  the 
works  of  God,  nor  treasure  up  the  remem 
brance  of  them  in  their  minds.  How  soon 
are  mercies  like  to  be  forgotten;  the  psalmist 
says,  Forget  not  all  his  benefits.  It  was  the 
great  sin  of  the  Israelites  of  old,  that  they 
soon  forgat  God's  wondrous  works.  The 
holy  God  gave  order,  that  his  people  should 
erect  stones  of  remembrance,  that  his  won 
derful  works  of  mercy  to  his  people  might 
not  be  forgotten;  yea,  commanded  parents 
to  tell  their  children,  from  generation  to  gen 
eration,  what  great  things  he  had  done  for 
them.  How  are  they  then  to  blame  that  say, 
They  bless  God  for  their  mercies,  and  do  not 
rehearse  the  praise-worthy  works  of  divine 
providence  to  others. 

USE  II.  To  direct  such,  who  have  received 
great  and  eminent  mercies  from  God,  in  this 
way  of  making  known  to  others  the  wonders 
of  mercy  to  them,  to  be  praising  God.  It  is 
one  way  very  proper  and  agreeable  to  the 


SERMON  167 

revealed  will  of  God:  You  must  watch 
against  all  vain  ostentation. 

USE  III.  Of  EXHORTATION.  To  all  who 
have,  in  a  more  peculiar  way  and  manner, 
been  casting  off  the  effects  and  fruits  of  divine 
bounty  and  goodness,  to  be  declaring  what 
great  things  God  has  done  for  them. 

Therefore,  i.  Beware  of  all  manner  of 
pride.  Sometimes  men  cannot  declare  the 
great  works  of  God  done  for  them,  without 
making  known  their  own  weakness,  and  there 
fore  are  silent,  and  hold  their  peace;  they  had 
rather  God  should  lose  his  glory,  than  they 
any  of  their  credit  or  esteem.  But  the  holy 
psalmist  says,  His  feet  had  well  nigh  slipt', 
yea,  that  in  his  haste  he  had  said,  all  men  are 
liars;  and  that  one  day  he  should  surely  per 
ish;  take  shame  to  himself,  that  he  might  mag 
nify  the  preventing  and  delivering  grace  and 
goodness  of  God.  Sometimes  men's  pride 
makes  them  so  admire  their  own  parts  and 
contrivances,  as  to  over-look  the  works  of 
divine  providence;  they  sacrifice  to  their  own 


l68  SERMON 

net,  and  burn  incense  to  their  own  drag;  and 
say  they  have  so  much  learning  and  knowl 
edge,  that  they  could  easily  answer  arguments 
to  seduce  them  to  popery;  and  so  do  not  see 
and  acknowledge  the  goodness  of  God,  in 
preserving  and  keeping  them. 

2.  Beware  of  a  stupid,  senseless,  sloth 
ful  spirit.  The  works  of  God  are  sought  out 
of  them  that  have  pleasure  in  them.  Some 
will  not  be  at  the  pains  to  recollect  the  pas 
sages  of  divine  providence;  will  not  commit 
them  to  writing,  or  to  their  memories,  and 
therefore  soon  forget  them;  they  never  wisely 
observe  the  heightening  circumstances  of  their 

Consider,  3.  How  heavenly  an  employ 
and  service  it  is,  to  be  glorifying  and  praising 
God.  It  will  be  one  part  of  the  work  of 
heaven,  to  be  telling  of  the  wonderful  works 
of  God  towards  us.  Begin  such  an  heavenly 
employ  on  earth.  Hereby  you  will  also  in 
terest  yourselves  in  the  prayers  of  others:  To 
have  many  prayers  going  daily  to  God  for 



you,  how  great  a  favour  is  it  !  Others  hearing 
what  mercies  you  have  had,  will  bear  you  upon 
their  hearts  when  at  the  throne  of  grace,  that 
you  may  suitably  improve  such  mercies. 

The  glorifying  God  is  the  greatest  and  chief- 
est  concern  of  gracious  souls;  and  the  glori 
fying  of  God  here,  is  the  way  to  be  glorified 
by,  and  with  God  forever.  The  not  glorify 
ing  God  is  very  displeasing  to  him,  and  a  way 
to  deprive  ourselves  of  the  sweet  and  com 
fort  of  our  mercies.  God  accounts  forgetting 
of  mercies,  a  forgetting  himself. 

END    OF    THE     SERMON. 


Drawn  up  and  sent  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  PRINCE,  by  the  Rev. 
Mr.  STEPHEN  WILLIAMS,  of  Springfield,  who  on  Febru 
ary  2gtb,  1703-4,  was,  with  his  Rev.  father,  Mr.  JOHN 
WILLIAMS,  of  Deer  field,  carried  captive  into  Canada,  but 
returned,  and  was  educated  at  Harvard  College. 

Names  of  those  Persons  who  were  taken  Captive  at 
Deerfield,  Feb.  agth,  1703-4. 

MARY  Alexander, 
Mary  Alexander,  Jun. 
Joseph  Alexander,  ran 

away  the  first  night. 
Mary  Allis, 
Thomas  Baker, 
Simon  Beaumont, 
Hannah  Beaumont, 

*  Hephzibah  Beldlng, 
John   Bridgman,   ran 

away  in  the  meadow. 
Nathaniel  Brooks, 

*  Mary  Brooks, 

t  Mary  Brooks,  Jun. 
t  William  Brooks, 
Abigail  Brown, 
Benjamin  Burt, 
John  Burt, 
Sarah  Burt, 

*  Hannah  Carter, 

*  Hannah  Carter,  Jun. 
t  Mercy  Carter, 

t  Samuel  Carter, 
t  John  Carter, 
Ebenezer  Carter, 

*  Marah  Carter, 
John  Catlin, 
Ruth  Catlin, 

*  Elizabeth  Corse, 

t  Elizabeth  Corse,  Jun.      Joseph  Kellogg 
t  Daniel  Crowfoot,  t  Joanna  Kelloi 

*  Mary  French, 
Thomas  French,  Jun. 
Mary  French,  Jun. 

t  Freedom  French, 
t  Martha  French , 
t  Abigail  French, 
t  Mary  Harris, 
t  Samuel  Hastings, 

*  Elizabeth  Hawks, 
Mehuman  Hinsdel, 
Mary  Hinsdel, 
Jacob  Hlx,  died  at 

Deacon  David  Holt, 

died  at  Cowass, 
Abigail  Holt, 
Jonathan  Holt. 
Sarah  Holt, 
t  Ebenezer  Holt, 

*  Abigail  Holt,  Jun. 
Elizabeth  Hull, 

t  Thomas  Hurst, 
t  Ebenezer  Hurst, 

*  Benonl  Hurst, 
Sarah  Hurst, 
Sarah  Hurst,  Jun. 
Elizabeth  Hurst, 
t  Hannah  Hurst, 
Martin  Kellogg, 
Martin  Kellogg,  Jun. 

t  Abigail  Denio, 
Sarah  Dickinson , 
Joseph  Eastman, 
Mary  Field, 
John  Field, 
t  Mary  Field,  Jun. 
*  Mary  Frary, 
Thomas  French, 

t  Joanna  Kellogg, 

Joseph  Petty, 
Sarah  Petty, 
Lydla  Pomroy, 
Joshua  Pomroy, 

*  Esther  Pomroy, 
Samuel  Price, 

t  Jemima  Richards, 
t  Josiah  Rlseing, 
Hannah  Shelden, 
Ebenezer  Shelden, 
Remembrance  Shelden, 
Mary  Shelden, 
John  Stebbins, 
Dorothy  Stebbins, 
John  Stebbins,  Jun. 
Samuel  Stebbins, 
t  Ebenezer  Stebbins, 
t  Joseph  Stebbins, 
t  Thankful  Stebbins, 
t  Elizabeth  Stevens, 
Ebenezer  Warner, 

*  Waitstill  Warner, 

t  Waitstill  Warner,  Jun. 
Sarah  Warner, 
Rev.  John  Williams, 

*  Mrs.  Eunice  Williams, 
Samuel  Williams, 
Stephen  Williams, 

t  Eunice  Williams,  Jun. 
Esther  Williams, 
Warham,  Williams, 
John  Weston, 
Judah  Wright, 

Three  Frenchmen  who 
had  lived  In  the  town  for 
some  time,  and  came 
from  Canada,  were  also 

Rebecca  Kellogg, 
John  Marsh, 
Sarah  Multoon, 

*  Philip  Multoon, 

*  Frank,  a  negro. 

*  Mehitable  Nims, 
Ebenezer  Nlms, 

t  Abigail  Nims, 

NOTE.  Where  there  is  this  sign  *  against  the  person's  name,  It  is  to  signify 
they  were  killed  after  they  went  out  of  town:  And  this  mark  t  is  to  signify 
that  they  are  still  absent  from  their  native  country. 



Names  of  those  who  were  slain  at  that  time  in   or   near 
the  town. 


DAVID  Alexander,  Samuel  Hlnsdale,  Mrs.  Shelden, 

Thomas  Carter,  Joseph  Ingersol,  Mercy  Shelden, 

John  Catlin,  Jonathan  Kellogg,  Samuel  Smead's  wife  and 

Jonathan  Catlin,  Philip  Matloon's  wife  two  children, 

Sarah  Field,  and  child,  Elizabeth  Smead, 

Samson  Frary,  Parthena,  a  negro.  Martin  Smith, 

John  French,  Henry  Nims,  Serg.  Benoni  Stebbins, 

Alice  Hawks,  Mary  Nims,*        >  Andrew  Stevens, 

John   Hawks,   Jun.,  Mercy  Nims,  Mary  Wells, 

and  his  wife  .Mehitable  Nims,  '  John  Williams,  jun. 

Thankful  Hawks,  Sarah  Price,  Jerusha  Williams. 

John  Hawks,  Mercy  Root, 

Martha  Hawks,  Thomas  Shelden, 


SAMUEL  Allis,  Joseph  Catlin,  Jonathan  Ingram, 

Serg.  Boltwood,  Samuel  Foot,  Serg.  Benjamin  Wait, 

Robert  Boltwood,  David  Holt,  jun.  Nathaniel  Warner. 

*  These  three  it  was  supposed  were  burnt  In  the  cellar. 

An  account  of  the  mischief  done  by  the  enemy  in  Deerfield 
from  the  beginning  of  its  settlement  to  the  death  of  the 
Rev.  Mr.  JOHN  WILLIAMS,  in  June,  1729. 

1.  1    H  E  enemy  beset  the  place,  and  killed  one 
James  Egleston,  September  I,  1675. 

2.  The  Indians  fell  upon  the  people  as  they  were  going 
to  public  worship,  on  Sept.  12,  1675,  and  wounded  one 
Samuel  Harrington  in  the  neck,  but  the  wound  did  not 
prove  mortal.     One  man  was  drove  into  the  swamp, 
taken  and  killed. 

3.  Captain  Lothrop  and  company  were  slain  at  Muddy 
brook  (alias)  Bloody  brook,  on  Sept.  18,  1675. 

4.  The 


4.  The  fall  f-ght  (as  it  is  called)  was  on  May  18,  1676, 
when  a  great  slaughter  was  made  of  the  enemy,  but  Capt. 
Turner  and  37  men  were  lost.     There  were  many  remark- 
ables,   relating  to  this  affair,  (as  related   by  Jonathan 
Wells,  Esq.,  who  was  present)  which  are  not  taken  notice 
of  by  Mr.  Hubbard  or  Dr.  Mather. 

5.  Sept.  19,  1677.     John  Root  was  killed,  and  Serg. 
Plympton,  Quintin  Stockwell,  and  Benoni  Stebbins,  were 
taken  captive,  but  Stebbins  made  his  escape  from  them 
and  got  home.     This  was  after  they  began  to  settle  the 
place  a  second  time;  for  upon  Capt.  Lothrop's  loss,  the 
town  was  deserted  for  some  time;  but  this  year,  1677, 
they  began  to   build   again.     Serg.   Plympton  was   ac 
counted  a  gracious  man;  he  was  burnt  by  the  Indians, 
and  the  Indians  obliged  one  Dickinson,  taken  at  Hat- 
field,  to  lead  him  to  the  stake:     The  manner  of  burning 
was  this;  they  covered  him  with  dry  bark,  set  it  on  fire, 
then  they  quenched  the  fire,  and  anon  firing  it  again. 
He  went  cheerfully  to  the  stake,   &c.     The  town  was 
deserted  for  some  time:     In  1684,  they  returned  again 
to  settle  the  town. 

6.  June  1693.     The  widow  Hepzibah  Wells  and  her 
three  daughters  were  knocked  on  the  head  and  scalped, 
two  of  them  died,  but  the  other  lived;  at. the  same  time 
Thomas  Broughton  was  killed,  and  his  wife,  great  with 
child,  and  three  of  their  children. 

7.  On  October  13,  1693.     Martin  Smith  was  taken, 



and  carried  to  Canada,  from  whence  he  returned  after 
some  years. 

8.  Sept.  15,  1694.     Monsieur  Castreen,  with  a  number 
of  Indians,  beset  the  fort,  but  were  beat  off:  Daniel  Sev 
erance   (a  lad)  was  killed   in  the  meadow;   and   John 
Beaumont,   and   Richard   Lyman,   soldiers  in  the   fort, 
were  wounded,  but  recovered.     Mrs.  Hannah  Beaumont 
and  some  children  who  were  her  scholars,  were  remark 
ably  preserved :     As  they  ran  from  the  house  to  the  fort, 
the  enemy  fired  many  shot  at  them,  and  the  bullets 
whistled  about  their  ears;  but  none  of  them  were  hurt, 
although  some  of  the  enemy  were  very  near  them. 

9.  August  18,  1695.     Mr.  Joseph  Barnard  was  fired 
upon  by  the  enemy,  and  his  horse  was  shot  down:  He 
himself  was  wounded  in  the  body,  one  wrist  shivered  to 
pieces,  his  other  hand  wounded;  but  yet  through  the 
bravery  of  Godfry  Nims,  and  others  with  him,  he  was 
brought  into  the  town,  and  lived  till  Sept.  6,  and  then  died, 
greatly  lamented,  &c. 

10.  Sept.  16,  1696.     John  Gillet  and  John  Smead,  were 
hunting  up  Green  river;  the  Indians  came  upon  them, 
and  took  Gillet,  but  Smead  made  his  escape;  the  enemy 
left  two  or  three  men  with  Gillet,  and  the  rest  came 
along  to  the  town,  and  assaulted  Daniel  Belding's  house, 
took   Mr.    Belding,   his    son   Nathaniel,    and    daughter 
Esther,  captive:  Killed  his  wife  and  three  children,  and 
wounded    Samuel    and    Abigail,    but    they    recovered, 



although  Samuel  had  a  hatchet  stuck  in  his  head,  and 
some  of  his  brains  came  out  at  the  wound. 

11.  July,  1698.     Nathaniel  Pomroy  was  killed,  being 
with  a  party  of  men  that  went  up  the  river  after  some 
Indians  that  had  done  mischief  at  Hatfield:  At  the  same 

time   Samuel   Dickinson,   and  one   Charly,   were 

retaken  from  the  enemy.     This  is  related  by  Dr.  Cotton 
Mather,  in  his  history  of  the  ten  years  war,  &c. 

12.  October  8,  1703.     Zebediah  Williams  and  John 
Nims,  were  taken  captive,  and  carried  to  Canada;  Wil 
liams  died  there;  Nims,  with  some  others,  made  their 
escape,  and  got  home  to  Deerfield,  in  1705. 

13.  The  town  was  taken  February  29,  1703,4. 

14.  May   n,   1704.     John  Allen  and  his  wife  were 
killed  at  a  place  called  the  Barrs. 

15.  Serg.  John  Hawks,  riding  on  the  road,  was  fired  at 
by  the  enemy,  and  wounded  in  the  hand,  but  got  off  to 
Hatfield,  and  his  wound  was  healed,  &c.     This  was  in 
the  summer  of  1704. 

1 6.  July  19,  1704.     Thomas  Russell  was  killed  by  the 
enemy,  north  of  the  town. 

17.  August,  1708.     A  scout  went  up  to  the  white  river, 
and  as  they  returned,  were  fired  upon  by  the  enemy,  and 
one  man,  whose  name  was  Barber,  was  killed;  and  he 
killed  the  Indian  that  killed  him.     Martin  Kellogg,  jun. 
was  taken  captive,  and  the  rest  escaped. 

1 8.  Oct. 


18.  Oct.  26,  1708.  E.  Field  was  killed  near  muddy 

19.  Mehuman  Hinsdale  was  taken  captive  as  he  was 
driving  his  team  from  Northampton.     This  was  April  1 1, 
1709:  The  second  time   of  his  captivity:  He  was  carried 
to  Canada,  and  from  thence  to  France,  and  got  to  Eng 
land,  and  from  thence  home,   &c. 

20.  May,  1709.     Lieut.  John  Wells,  and  John  Burt, 
were  lost  in  a  skirmish  with  the  enemy  on  the  French 
river,  after  they  had  been,  with  others,  as  far  as  Lake 
Champlain,  and  killed  some  of  the  enemy. 

21.  Joseph  Clesson  and  John  Arms  were  taken  June 
22,  1709,  and  the  next  day  Jonathan  Williams  was  killed, 
and    Matthew   Clesson    mortally   wounded;  and  Lieut. 
Thomas  Taylor  and  Isaac  Matloon  were  wounded,  but 

22.  July  30,  1712.     Serg.  Samuel  Taylor,  and  others, 
were  sent  out  as  a  scout  to  the  north  river,  they  were 
attacked  by  the  enemy,  and  Samuel  Andross  was  killed; 
Jonathan  Barrett  was  wounded  in  the  side,  and  then 
taken;  one  William  Sandford  was  also  taken,  the  rest  got 
home,  &c.     The  prisoners  were  carried  to  Canada,  where 
they  met  Lieut.  Samuel  Williams,  who  was  then  at  Can 
ada  with  a  flag  of  truce),  who  ransomed  them  from  the 
Indians,  and  brought  them  home:     They  were   absent 
but  about  two  months. 

23.  June     27,    1724.       Ebenezer    Shelden,    Thomas 



Colton,  and  Jeremiah  English,  (a  friend  Indian),  were 
killed  on  the  road  beyond  the  green  river  houses;  and  it 
was  supposed  the  enemy  received  some  damage  from 
some  of  our  forces,  who  came  upon  them  speedily,  &c. 

24.  July  10,  1724.     Lieut.  Timothy  Childs  and  Sam 
uel  Allen,  were  shot  upon  and  wounded,  as  they  were 
returning  from  their  labour  in  the  field,  but  they  escaped, 
and  were  healed  of  their  wounds. 

25.  August  25,  1725.     Deacon  Field,  deacon  Childs, 
and  others,  were  going  up  to  green  river  farms,  and  were 
ambushed  by  the  Indians,     but    they    discovered     the 
Indians;  and  John  Wells  discharged  his  gun  at  an  Indian, 
who  fell:  The  Indians  fired  at  them,  and  wounded  deacon 
Samuel  Field,  the  ball  passing  through  the  right  hypo- 
condria,  cutting  off  three  plaits  of  the  mysenteria,  which 
hung  out  of  the  wound,  in  length  almost  two  inches, 
which  was  cut  off  even  with  the  body,  the  bullet  passing 
between  the  lowest  and  the  next  rib,  cutting,  at  its  going 
forth,  the  lowest  rib:  His  hand  being  close  to  the  body 
when  the  ball  came  forth,  it  entered  at  the  root  of  the 
heel  of  the  thumb,  cutting  the  bone  of  the  fore  finger,  and, 
resting  between  the  fore  and  second  finger,  was  cut  out, 
and  all  the  wounds  were  cured  in  less  than  five  weeks, 
by  doctor  Thomas  Hastings. 

A  P  P  END  I  X. 

By  the  Rev.  JOHN  TAYLOR,  the  present  minister  of  the 
Gospel  in  Deerfield;  containing  some  account  of  the  mis 
chief  done  by  the  enemy,  in  Deerfield,  and  its  vicinity, 
from  the  death  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  WILLIAMS,  to  the  con 
clusion  of  the  last  French  war. 

THE  readers  of  this  appendix,  will  probably 
feel  desirous  of  knowing  the  reasons,  why,  in  many  things, 
I  have  been  so  general;  only  having  given  a  brief  state 
ment  of  facts;  and  in  others,  have  been  more  particular. 
I  trust,  it  will  be  a  sufficient  apology  to  observe,  that  I 
have  done  it  for  want  of  better  documents.  Most  of  the 
facts  mentioned,  I  have  taken  from  the  minutes  of  some 
gentlemen,  who  kept  them,  only  for  their  own  satisfac 
tion,  and  were  not  particular;  and  now,  the  distance  of 
time,  precludes  the  possibility  of  obtaining  such  an  account 
of  circumstances,  as  may  be  depended  on. 

One  reason,  of  my  adding  this  appendix,  is,  I  suppose 
that  it  will  not  be  disagreeable  to  any  who  were  desirous 
that  the  narrative  should  be  reprinted,  especially  the 
descendants  of  those  who  were  either  killed,  wounded, 
or  captivated;  and  for  this  reason  I  have  been  careful 
also  to  mention  the  names  of  such. 

Another  reason  is,  I  think  that  every  vestige  of  history, 
which  respects  the  early  settlement  of  a  country,  should 
be  preserved,  for  the  satisfaction  of  future  generations. 



THE  last  account  of  mischief,  mentioned  in  the  former 
appendix,  done  by  the  enemy  in  this  part  of  the  country, 
was  in  August,  1725.  This  year,  terminated  the  war.  A 
treaty  of  peace  was  held  at  Boston,  by  commissioners 
from  the  General  Court,  and  the  chiefs  of  the  Indian 
tribes;  at  which,  articles  were  signed,  and  a  long  peace 

There  appeared,  for  many  years,  an  unusually  pacific 
spirit  among  the  Indians;  probably  in  consequence  of 
some  acts  of  the  General  Court,  favourable  to  them  in 
their  trade.  It  was  thought,  that  they  never  again  would 
have  been  disposed  to  hostilities,  had  they  not  been  under 
the  immediate  influence  of  French  interest. 

War  was  declared  between  France  and  England, 
March,  1744.  The  first  year  of  the  war,  no  Indians 
made  their  appearance  in  this  part  of  the  country:  They 
had  found  by  experience,  that  to  maintain  an  open  trade 
with  the  English,  was  greatly  for  their  interest;  and  con 
sequently  at  first,  entered  into  the  war  with  reluctance. 

The  first  mischief  that  I  can  obtain  an  account  of,  done 
by  the  enemy,  in  this  part  of  the  country,  in  the  course 
of  this  war,  was  in  July,  1745;  when  a  few  Indians  came 
to  a  place  called  the  great  meadow,  about  16  miles  above 
fort  Dummer,  on  Connecticut  river;  two  of  whom,  cap 
tivated  William  Phips,  as  he  was  hoeing  his  corn.  After 
having  taken,  and  led  him  about  half  a  mile,  they  made 
a  stand;  and  as  the  Indians  afterwards  informed,  one  of 



them  having  laid  down  his  gun,  and  gone  a  few  rods,  for 
the  purpose  of  fetching  something  he  had  left,  on  his  re 
turn,  Phips  took  up  the  Indian's  gun,  fired  upon,  and 
killed  him;  then  fell  upon  the  other  with  his  hoe,  struck 
him  down,  and  bruised  him,  until  he  supposed  he  was 
dead;  he  then  attempted  to  make  his  escape,  but  unfor 
tunately,  three  more  of  the  enemy  came  upon  him,  and 
killed  him. 

The  same  month,  deacon  Josiah  Fisher,  was  killed, 
and  scalped  at  a  place  called  the  upper  Ashwelot. 

October  n.  The  fort  at  the  great  meadow,  was  attack 
ed  by  a  large  party  of  French  and  Indians;  the  attack  was 
bold,  and  furious,  but  without  success.  No  lives  were 
lost.  Nehemiah  Howe  was  taken  captive,  and  carried 
to  Quebec,  where  he  soon  died.  The  enemy  on  their 
return,  met  one  David  Rugg,  with  another  person,  pass 
ing  down  Connecticut  river  in  a  canoe;  Rugg  they  killed, 
and  scalped,  the  other  person,  with  some  difficulty,  made 
his  escape. 

I  can  find  no  farther  account  of  mischief  done  by  the 
enemy,  in  this  part  of  the  country,  in  the  year  1745,  but 
in  '46  they  began  in  season,  and  the  sufferings  of  the 
people  were  very  considerable. 

In  April,  the  enemy  made  their  appearance  at  No.  4, 
(now  Charleston),  which  was  then  the  most  northern 
settlement,  on  Connecticut  river;  Capt.  John  Spafford, 
Isaac  Parker,  and  Stephen  Farnsworth,  being  at  a  little 



distance  from  the  fort,  were  captivated,  and  carried  to 

The  same  month,  a  party  of  Indians  ambushed  the 
road,  between  Northfield  and  Lunenburgh,  and  killed 
Joshua  Holton. 

On  the  23d  of  the  same  month,  a  large  party  of  the 
enemy,  came  to  the  upper  Ashwelot,  with  a  design  to 
have  taken  the  fort  by  surprise,  but  being  discovered  by 
a  person  who  was  providentially  at  that  time  at  a  little 
distance  from  the  garrison,  they  were  disconcerted;  an 
action  however  ensued,  which  continued  for  some  time; 
the  enemy  finally  withdrew.  In  this  action,  John  Bullard 
was  killed,  Nathan  Blake  was  captivated,  and  the  wife 
of  Daniel  M'Kinne,  being  out  of  the  fort,  was  overtaken 
and  stabbed.  Before  the  enemy  retired,  they  burnt  sev 
eral  buildings,  which  was  supposed  to  have  been  done, 
not  so  much  for  the  sake  of  mischief,  as  to  conceal  their 
dead;  there  being  many  human  bones  afterwards  found 
among  the  ashes. 

In  the  beginning  of  May,  the  enemy  again  appeared 
at  No.  4;  a  few  people  were  near  a  barn,  about  sixty  rods 
from  the  fort,  when  they  were  fired  upon  by  a  consider 
able  body  who  had  concealed  themselves  in  the  barn. 
Seth  Putnam,  a  soldier  belonging  to  the  fort,  was  killed; 
whilst  the  enemy  were  endeavouring  to  scalp  him,  Major 
Willard,  commander  of  the  garrison,  with  two  soldiers, 
ran  near  to  them  undiscovered,  and  fired  upon  them, 



upon  which  they  retreated  with  great  haste.  The  In 
dians  afterwards  reported  to  the  prisoners  in  Canada, 
that  at  this  time  two  of  their  number  were  mortally 
wounded,  and  died  soon  after. 

May  6,  a  large  party  of  Indians  made  an  attempt  upon 
the  fort  at  Falltown;  (now  Bernardston),  a  person  about 
forty  rods  from  the  fort  discovering  them,  gave  informa 
tion  to  another  farther  distant  than  himself;  by  this  the 
enemy  found  they  were  discovered,  and  ran  immediately 
to  the  fort;  an  attack  commenced,  which  continued  for 
some  time,  and  though  there  were  but  three  soldiers  in 
the  fort,  they  defended  it  till  the  enemy  withdrew.  John 
Burk  was  slightly  wounded,  one  house  was  burnt,  and 
about  ten  cattle  were  killed.  Two  Indians  were  mor 
tally  wounded,  who  died  soon  after  their  return. 

On  the  same  day,  Serg.  John  Hawks,  and  John  Miles, 
were  fired  upon  by  two  Indians,  as  they  were  riding  out 
from  fort  Massachusetts,  and  were  both  wounded:  Miles 
made  his  escape  to  the  fort;  Hawks  fought  for  some  time, 
and  as  afterwards  appeared,  might  have  taken  them  both 
prisoners  had  he  understood  their  language;  they  asked 
him  for  quarter  before  he  turned  to  make  his  escape. 

loth.  Five  of  that  party  of  Indians,  who  the  day  before 
had  been  at  Falltown  fort,  ambushed  the  road  at  Colrain. 
Matthew  Clark,  with  his  wife  and  daughter,  together 
with  two  soldiers  were  fired  upon,  a  few  rods  from  the 
fort;  Clark  was  killed,  and  his  wife  and  daughter  were 



wounded;  one  of  the  soldiers  returning  the  fire,  killed  one 
of  the  enemy,  which  gave  them  a  check,  and  he  brought 
the  wounded  into  the  fort. 

A  few  days  after,  about  twenty  men  were  out,  fifty  or 
sixty  rods  from  the  fort,  at  No.  4,  viewing  the  place  where 
Parker  was  killed  on  the  2d  of  the  month,  and  before  they 
discovered  an  enemy,  they  were  fired  upon  by  a  large  body 
of  Indians,  who  immediately  endeavoured  to  cut  off  their 
communication  with  the  fort;  Capt.  Stevens,  commander 
of  the  garrison,  came  out  with  a  body  of  men  for  their 
relief,  a  severe  action  commenced,  which  continued  for 
some  time;  at  last  the  enemy  fled;  and  as  was  supposed 
with  considerable  loss.  Capt.  Stevens  lost  three,  viz. 
Aaron  Lyon,  Peter  Perrin,  and  Joseph  Marcy;  he  had 
four  wounded,  and  one  taken  captive. 

June  ii.  A  party  of  the  enemy  again  appeared  at  fort 
Massachusetts;  a  number  of  men  being  at  some  distance 
from  the  fort,  were  attacked,  and  a  skirmish  ensued:  The 
enemy  fled,  after  sustaining  the  fire  but  a  few  moments. 
Elisha  Nims,  and  Gershom  Hawks  were  wounded;  and 
Benj.  Tenter  was  captivated.  One  of  the  enemy  was 

igth.  A  large  body  of  the  enemy  again  appeared  at  No. 
4;  Capt.  Stevens,  and  Capt.  Brown,  marching  with  about 
fifty  men  from  the  fort  into  the  meadow,  were  ambushed; 
the  enemy  were  discovered  before  they  fired :  Stevens  be 
gan  the  attack,  and  a  severe  action  ensued;  after  some 



time  the  enemy  were  repulsed,  and  retreated  in  great 
haste  and  confusion.  Capt.  Stevens  lost  none  on  the  spot. 
Jedediah  Winchel  was  mortally  wounded,  and  died  soon 
after.  David  Parker,  Jonathan  Stanhope,  and  Noah 
Heaton  were  also  wounded,  but  recovered. 

2Oth.  A  party  of  about  twenty  Indians  came  to  Bridg- 
man's  fort,  about  two  miles  below  fort  Dummer,  and  fell 
upon  a  number  of  men  who  were  at  work  in  the  meadow. 
In  this  skirmish  William  Robins  and  James  Parker  were 
killed;  John  Beaumont  and  Daniel  How  were  taken  cap 
tive;  M.  Gilson,  and  Patrick  Ray  were  wounded,  but 

July  3.  The  enemy  waylaid  a  mill  in  Hinsdale;  Colonel 
Willard  having  come  to  the  mill  with  a  guard  of  about  20 
men,  for  the  purpose  of  grinding,  and  having  placed  his 
guards,  they  were  soon  fired  upon;  the  Col.  calling  to  his 
men  with  great  earnestness  to  fall  upon  them,  gave  them 
such  a  fright,  that  they  fled,  leaving  behind  them  their 
packs,  and  provisions,  to  the  value  of  40!.  old  tenor. 

z8th.  David  Morrison,  of  Colrain,  was  taken  captive, 
near  one  of  the  garrisons. 

August  3.  A  body  of  the  enemy  appeared  at  No.  4; 
suspicions  of  their  approach  were  excited  by  the  yelling 
of  dogs.  A  scout  was  sent  out  from  the  fort,  and  had  pro 
ceeded  but  a  few  rods  before  they  were  fired  on.  Eben- 
ezer  Philips  was  killed;  the  remainder  made  their  escape 
to  the  fort;  the  enemy  surrounded  the  garrison,  and 



endeavoured,  for  three  days,  to  take  it;  but  finding  their 
efforts  ineffectual,  they  withdrew,  after  having  burnt  sev 
eral  buildings,  and  killed  all  the  cattle,  horses,  &c.  which 
they  could  find. 

nth.  Benj.  Wright,  of  Northfield,  riding  in  the  woods, 
was  fired  on,  and  mortally  wounded;  he  died  in  a  few 

I yth.  Ezekiel  Wallingford  was  killed,  and  scalped,  at  a 
place  called  Poquiag.  The  same  day,  a  person  by  the 
name  of  Bliss,  was  killed,  and  scalped,  on  the  road  be 
tween  Deerfield,  and  Colrain,  or  Bernardston. 

20th.  An  army  of  about  nine  hundred  French  and  In 
dians,  under  command  of  Gen.  de  Vaudreuil,  made  an 
attack  upon  fort  Massachusetts.  The  fort  was  com 
manded  by  Col.  Hawks,  who,  unfortunately,  was  not  in  a 
situation  to  defend  it  against  such  a  force,  having  but 
thirty-three  persons,  men,  women,  and  children,  in  the 
fort;  and  being  miserably  provided  with  ammunition; 
with  great  fortitude,  he  defended  it  for  twenty-eight  hours; 
and  had  not  his  ammunition  failed,  it  is  probable  he  never 
would  have  given  up  the  fort.  He  was,  finally,  necessi 
tated  to  capitulate;  and  he  offered  such  articles  as  were 
accepted  by  de  Vaudreuil.  One  special  article  in  this 
capitulation,  was,  that  none  of  the  prisoners  should  be 
delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians;  the  next  day, 
however,  Vaudreuil  divided  the  prisoners,  and  delivered 
them  one  half,  in  open  violation,  and  contempt  of  the 



article.*  The  Indians  immediately  killed  one,  who,  by 
reason  of  sickness,  was  unable  to  travel.  The  prisoners 
were,  in  general,  treated  with  civility,  most  of  whom  were 
afterwards  redeemed.  Col.  Hawks  lost  but  one  man  in 
the  siege.  Gen.  de  Vaudreuil,  according  to  the  best  ac 
counts  the  prisoners  could  obtain,  lost  forty-five,  who 
were  either  killed  outright,  or  died  of  their  wounds. 

Immediately,  after  the  capture  of  the  fort,  a  party  of 
about  fifty  Indians  came  on,  for  the  purpose  of  making 
depredations  upon  Deerfield.  They  came  first  upon  a 
hill,  at  the  south  west  corner  of  the  south  meadow,  where 
they  discovered  ten,  or  twelve,  men  and  children  at  work, 
in  a  situation,  in  which  they  might  all,  with  ease,  be  made 
prisoners.  Had  they  succeeded  in  their  design,  which 
was,  to  obtain  prisoners,  rather  than  scalps,  it  is  probable 
that  events  would  not  have  been  so  disasterous  as  they 
proved.  They  were  disconcerted  by  the  following  cir 
cumstance:  Mr.  Eleazer  Hawks  was  out  that  morning  a 
fowling,  and  was  providentially  at  the  foot  of  the  hill, 
at  the  time  the  enemy  came  down;  they,  seeing  him,  sup 
posed  they  were  discovered,  and  immediately  fired  upon 
him,  killed,  and  scalped  him.  This  gave  an  alarm  to 
the  people  in  the  meadow,  some  of  whom  were  but  a  few 


*  General  de  Vaudreuil's  plea  for  this  breach  of  faith,  was,  the 
danger  of  mutiny  in  his  army,  the  Indians  being  irritated  to  a 
great  degree,  on  account  of  their  being  cut  off,  by  the  capitula 
tion,  from  all  the  profits  of  the  conquest.  But,  how  far  this  plea 
was  a  justification  of  such  perfidy,  I  leave  to  the  judicious  to  de 


rods  distant.  The  enemy  were  now  sensible,  that  what 
they  did  must  be  done  with  dispatch.  Accordingly  they 
rushed  into  the  meadow,  fired  on  Simeon  Amsden,  a  lad, 
and  killed  him,  beheaded,  and  scalped  him.  Mr.  Sam 
uel  Allen,  John  Sadler,  and  Adonijah  Gillet,  ran  a  few 
rods,  and  made  a  stand,  under  the  bank  of  the  river, 
where  they  were  attacked  with  fury,  and  fought  for  a 
little  time  with  great  bravery;  they  were,  however,  soon 
overpowered  with  numbers.  Allen  and  Gillet  fell.  Sad 
ler,  finding  himself  alone,  ran  across  the  river,  and  made 
his  escape,  amidst  a  shower  of  balls.  Whilst  this  was 
passing,  Oliver  Amsden  was  pursued  a  few  rods,  over 
taken,  and  stabbed,  after  having  his  hands  and  fingers 
cut  in  pieces,  by  endeavouring  to  defend  himself  against 
the  enemies'  knives.  At  the  same  time,  three  children 
by  the  name  of  Allen,  all  of  whom  are  still  living,  were 
pursued;  Eunice,  one  of  the  three,  was  struck  down  with 
a  tomahawk,  which  was  sunk  into  her  head,  but  by  rea 
son  of  the  haste  in  which  the  enemy  retreated,  she  was 
left  unscalped,  and  afterwards  recovered.  Caleb,  the 
present  Mr.  Caleb  Allen,  of  Deerfield,  made  his  escape; 
and  Samuel  was  taken  captive,  the  only  prisoner  who 
was  taken  at  this  time.*  The  firing  immediately  alarmed 


*This  lad,  after  a  year  and  nine  months,  was  redeemed.  Col. 
Hawks,  who  was  sent  to  Canada  for  the  purpose  of  redeeming 
captives,  after  enquiring  for  the  lad,  was  informed,  that  he  was 
unwilling  to  be  seen,  and  that  he  expressed  great  dissatisfaction 
upon  hearing  of  his  arrival:  When  he  was  brought  into  the 
presence  of  Col.  Hawks,  he  was  unwilling  to  know  him,  although 


the  town.  Capt.  Hopkins,  commander  of  the  standing 
guard,  together  with  most  of  the  inhabitants,  as  volun 
teers,  came  on  with  the  utmost  expedition,  but  the  enemy 
had  withdrawn  in  great  haste,  expecting,  no  doubt,  a 
violent  attack;  they  were  pursued  several  miles  by  a  body 
of  men,  under  the  command  of  Capt.  Clesson,  but  could 
not  be  overtaken. 

It  does  not  appear,  as  a  matter  of  certainty,  that  more 
than  one  of  the  enemy  was  killed  at  this  time,  and  him, 
by  Samuel  Allen;  sometime  after,  however,  the  remains 
of  a  person  were  found,  near  the  place  of  action,  supposed 
to  be  those  of  an  Indian. 

This  was  the  last  mischief,  done  by  the  enemy,  in  the 
western  frontiers,  this  season. 

April  7,  1747.  A  large  body  of  French,  and  Indians, 
appeared  at  No.  4,  and  laid  siege  to  the  garrison,  which 
continued  for  three  days,  when  the  enemy  withdrew,  hav 
ing  done  but  little  damage;  only  slightly  wounding  Joseph 
Ely,  and  John  Brown,. 

I5th.  Nathaniel  Dickinson,  and  Asahel  Burt,  of  North- 

he  was  his  uncle,  and  had  always  been  acquainted  with  him  in 
Deerfield ;  neither  would  he  speak  in  the  English  tongue,  not  that 
he  had  forgotten  it,  but  to  express  his  unwillingness  to  return  ;  he 
made  use  of  various  arts,  that  he  might  not  be  exchanged ;  and 
finally  could  not  be  obtained  but  by  threats,  and  was  brought  off 
by  force.  In  this  we  see  the  surprising  power  of  habit ;  this  youth 
had  lost  his  affection  for  his  country,  and  his  friends,  in  the  course 
of  one  year,  and  nine  months  ;  and  had  become  so  attached  to  the 
Indians,  and  their  mode  of  living,  as  that  to  this  day,  he  considers 
that  of  the  Indians,  the  happiest  life.  This  appears  more  sur 
prising  when  we  consider,  that  he  fared  extremely  hard,  and  was 
reduced  almost  to  a  skeleton. 


field,  being  out  a  little  distance  from  the  town,  were  killed, 
and  scalped.  The  enemy,  on  their  return  from  North- 
field,  burnt  most  of  the  buildings  in  Winchester,  and  in 
the  upper,  and  lower  Ashwelots,  which  plantations,  a  few 
days  before,  had  been  deserted  by  the  inhabitants,  not 
having  sufficient  protection  afforded  them  by  government. 

May  25.  As  fort  Massachusetts  was  rebuilding,  there 
being  several  hundred  people  present,  an  army  of  the 
enemy  came,  with  a  design  to  hinder  the  undertaking. 
About  an  hundred  men,  a  few  days  before,  had  been  sent 
to  Albany,  for  stores  of  provisions,  and  ammunition, 
being  on  their  return,  and  near  the  fort,  a  scout  was  sent 
forward,  who,  coming  within  sight  of  the  fort,  discovered 
the  enemy,  and  began  an  attack;  this  gave  an  alarm  to 
the  people  at  the  fort,  who,  as  yet,  had  not  discovered 
the  enemy;  a  few  issued  out,  and  maintained  a  small 
skirmish,  till  the  enemy  withdrew.  There  was,  at  the 
time,  much  complaint,  both  of  the  people  at  the  fort,  and 
of  the  commander  of  that  party  who  was  with  the  wag 
gons,  for  not  affording  assistance,  which  was  imputed  to 
cowardice.  In  this  action,  three  persons  were  wounded; 
and  a  friend  Indian,  who  belonged  to  Stockbridge,  was 

July  15.  Eliakim  Sheldon,  of  Bernardston,  was  fired 
upon,  and  wounded;  he  died  the  following  night. 

The  same  month,  John  Mills,  of  Colrain,  passing 
from  what  was  called  the  south  fort,  to  his  own  house, 
was  fired  upon  and  killed.  August 


August  26.  A  small  party  of  the  enemy  came  to  a 
village  belonging  to  Northampton,  (now  Southampton), 
and  killed,  and  scalped,  Elijah  Clark,  as  he  was  thresh 
ing  in  his  barn. 

October  i.  Peter  Burvec  was  taken  captive  near 
Massachusetts'  fort. 

iQth.  John  Smead,  as  he  was  travelling  from  North- 
field  to  Sunderland,  was  killed,  and  scalped,  near  the 
mouth  of  Miller's  river.  He  had  but  a  few  days  before 
returned  from  captivity,  being  one  who  was  taken  at 
Massachusetts'  fort,  with  his  wife,  and  children. 

About  this  time,  Jonathan  Sawtel,  was  taken  captive, 
from  Hinsdale. 

1  4th.  As  twelve  men  were  passing  down  the  river, 
from  No.  4,  they  were  ambushed,  and  a  skirmish  ensued; 
Nathaniel  Gould,  and  Thomas  Good  all,  were  killed,  and 
scalped;  Oliver  Avery  was  wounded,  and  John  Henderson 
taken  captive,  the  remainder  made  their  escape. 

March  15,  1748.  About  eight  men  were  out  a  few 
rods  from  the  fort,  at  No.  4,  and  were  attacked  by  about 
twenty  Indians,  who  endeavoured  to  cut  off  their  retreat 
to  the  fort;  a  skirmish  ensued,  in  which  Charles  Stevens 
was  killed;  a  man  by  the  name  of  Androus  was  wounded, 
and  Eleazer  Priest  was  taken  captive. 

April  12.  Jason  Babcock  was  taken  prisoner,  being  at 
work  in  his  field,  at  Poquiag. 

May  9.  Noah  Pixley  was  killed,  and  scalped,  at 
Southampton.  About 


About  the  same  time,  Capt.  Melvin,  with  eighteen  men, 
being  at  the  lake,  near  Crownpoint,  fired  at  two  canoes  of 
Indians:  On  his  return,  being  on  West  river,  about  35 
miles  from  fort  Dummer,  was  ambushed,  and  being  fired 
on  by  surprise,  his  men  were  scattered:  Two  or  three 
returned  the  fire,  and  killed  two  of  the  enemy:  The  same 
persons,  after  having  gone  some  distance,  and  having 
fallen  in  company  with  three  or  four  of  their  own  men, 
concluded  to  return  back,  and  give  the  enemy  a  shot;  on 
their  return  they  were  fired  on,  and  one  was  killed;  they 
returned  the  fire,  and  killed  one  of  the  enemy.  The 
whole  company,  excepting  six,  made  their  escape  through 
the  woods,  and  came  in  at  different  times.  In  this  skir 
mish,  Joseph  Petty,  John  Heywood,  John  Dod,  Daniel 
Mann,  and  Isaac  Taylor,  were  killed;  Samuel  Severance 
could  not  be  found,  and  was  supposed  to  be  taken  cap 
tive.  The  loss  of  these  men,  was  much  lamented;  and  they 
are  spoken  of  with  respect,  as  prudent,  virtuous  men,  and 
resolute  soldiers. 

June  1  6.  As  thirteen  men  were  marching  from  Colonel 
Hinsdale's,  to  fort  Dummer,  they  were  ambushed  by  a 
large  body  of  the  enemy  and  were  fired  upon.  Joseph 
Richardson,  Nathan  French,  and  John  Frost,  were  killed 
the  first  shot,  and  seven  were  immediately  taken  captive, 
viz.  Henry  Stevens,  Benjamin  Osgood,  William  Blanch- 
ard,  Matthew  Wiman,  Joel  Johnson,  Moses  Perkins,  and 
William  Bickford.  Bickford  was  either  killed  by  the 



enemy,  the  first  night,  or  had  been  wounded,  and  died  of 
his  wounds. 

26th.  Capt.  Hobbs,  passing  through  the  woods  from 
No.  4,  to  fort  Shirley,  with  forty  men,  and  being  about 
twelve  miles  northwest  of  fort  Dummer,  was  attacked 
by  a  large  body  of  the  enemy,  who  had  pursued  him;  it 
being  in  the  middle  of  the  day,  he  had  made  a  stand,  that 
his  men  might  receive  some  refreshment;  whilst  they  were 
dining,  the  scout,  which  was  sent  upon  the  back  track, 
were  fired  on.  Upon  this,  Capt.  Hobbs  put  his  men  into 
as  much  readiness  for  an  action,  as  two  or  three  minutes 
would  admit  of.  The  enemy  came  on  with  great  fury, 
expecting,  no  doubt,  an  immediate  surrendry;  but  Capt. 
Hobbs  gave  them  a  warm  reception,  and  fought,  for  four 
hours,  with  such  boldness  and  fortitude,  as  that  had  he, 
and  his  men,  been  Romans,  they  would  have  received  a 
laurel,  and  their  names  would  have  been  handed  down 
with  honour,  to  the  latest  posterity;  the  enemy  finally  fled 
in  haste,  and  with  great  loss.  Capt.  Hobbs,  in  this  action, 
lost  but  three  men,  and  had  but  three  wounded;  those 
killed  were  Ebenezer  Mitchel,  Eli  Scott,  and  Samuel 

July  14.  As  a  scout  of  seventeen  men  were  pass 
ing  from  Col.  Hinsdale's  to  fort  Dummer,  they  were  am 
bushed,  and  fired  upon,  by  about  120  of  the  enemy;  two 
only  were  killed  the  first  shot;  two  more  were  wounded, 
and  but  four  made  their  escape;  the  remainder  were  taken 



captive;   the   wounded    the  enemy   killed,  after  having 
carried  them  about  a  mile. 

23d.  The  enemy  waylaid  the  main  street,  at  Northfield, 
and  killed  Aaron  Belding. 

August  2.  About  200  of  the  enemy,  made  their  ap 
pearance  at  fort  Massachusetts;  the  fort  was  then  under 
the  command  of  Capt.  Ephraim  Williams:  A  scout  was 
first  fired  upon,  which  drew  out  Capt.  Williams  with  about 
thirty  men;  an  attack  began,  which  continued  for  some 
time;  but,  finding  the  enemy  numerous,  Capt.  Williams 
fought  upon  the  retreat,  till  he  had  again  recovered  the 
fort:  The  enemy  soon  withdrew,  and  with  what  loss  was 
unknown.  In  this  action,  one  Abbot  was  killed,  Lieut. 
Hawley,  and  Ezekiel  Wells  were  wounded,  but  recovered. 

This  is  the  last  account  I  can  find,  of  mischief  done  by 
the  enemy  in  the  western  frontiers,  in  what  is  called  the 
first  French  war.  Peace,  however,  was  not  finally  settled 
with  the  Indians,  until  October,  1749,  when  a  treaty  was 
held  at  Falmouth,  by  commissioners  from  the  General 
Court,  and  the  chiefs  of  the  Indian  tribes,  by  whom  a  for 
mer  treaty,  with  some  additions,  was  renewed. 

Peace  between  France  and  England,  took  place  in  the 
year  1748,  and  war  was  again  declared  in  1756;  but,  in 
the  summer  of  '55,  a  body  of  Indians  appeared  at  Stock- 
bridge,  killed  several  persons,  and  did  considerable 
mischief,  in  killing  cattle,  &c. 

In  June,  the  same  summer,  a  number  of  persons  being 



at  work  in  the  meadow,  at  the  upper  part  of  Charlemont, 
were  fired  on  by  a  party  of  the  enemy;  not  so  much  mis 
chief  was  done,  as  might  have  been  expected;  a  number 
made  their  escape:  Cap.  Rice,  and  Phinehas  Arms,  were 
killed,  their  bodies  were  afterwards  found  in  a  mangled 
condition.  Titus  King,  and  a  lad,  were  taken  captive. 

The  same  month,  Capt.  Bridgman's  fort,  at  Hinsdale, 
was  taken  by  stratagem,  and  a  number  of  persons  were 
captivated.  It  was  supposed  that  the  enemy  had  been 
lurking  about  for  some  time,  and  the  situation  of  the  fort 
was  such  as  that  whatever  passed,  either  in,  or  near  it, 
might  be  easily  seen  from  the  hills  a  little  back:  It  was 
the  custom  of  the  fort,  for  the  women  within  to  fasten  the 
gate  when  the  men  went  into  the  fields  to  labour,  and  to 
open  it  upon  their  return,  from  the  signal  of  knocking: 
The  Indians  observing  this,  took  an  opportunity  when  the 
men  were  at  the  greatest  distance  from  the  fort,  came,  and 
knocked  at  the  gate;  and  the  women,  being  under  no 
special  apprehensions  of  an  enemy,  immediately  threw 
open  the  gate,  when,  to  their  astonishment,  they  found 
the  enemy  entering;  no  resistance  was  made  in  the  fort, 
and  fourteen  persons  were  taken  captive.  The  enemy 
made  no  longer  tarry  at  the  fort,  than  to  secure  the  pris 
oners,  but  rushed  into  the  meadow,  and  fell  upon  the  men, 
who,  as  yet,  had  not  discovered  what  had  passed  at  the 
fort;  they  made  as  much  resistance  as  their  situation 
would  admit  of.  In  this  skirmish,  C.  Howe  was  killed, 
the  remainder  made  their  escape.  About 


About  this  time,  the  fort  at  Keene,  under  the  command 
of  Capt.  Sims,  was  attacked  by  a  large  party  of  Indians, 
and  with  great  fury;  the  attack  was  lengthy,  but  was  sus 
tained  with  fortitude.  The  enemy  finding  their  attempts 
to  take  the  fort  ineffectual,  gave  over  the  attack,  but 
wreaked  their  vengeance  on  the  inhabitants,  by  destroy 
ing  all  the  property  they  could  find,  in  killing  cattle,  burn 
ing  buildings,  &c.  In  this  siege,  no  lives  were  lost,  and 
but  one  person  was  taken  captive,  he  being  out  of  the 
fort  at  the  time. 

July  3.  The  enemy  appeared  at  Keene,  and  captivated 
a  person  by  the  name  of  Frizzle. 

The  same  month,  fort  Hinsdale  was  attacked  by  a  con 
siderable  body  of  the  enemy.  In  this  attack  two  persons 
were  killed,  and  one  was  taken  captive;  one  of  the  persons 
killed  was  John  Alexander. 

About  the  same  time,  two  men  were  killed,  at  Bellows's 
fort.  Also,  a  man,  by  the  name  of  Pike,  was  killed  at 
some  place  up  the  river,  but  where  I  cannot  tell. 

June  7,  1756.  Josiah  Foster,  with  his  family,  were 
taken  captive,  at  Winchester.  The  same  day,  a  body  of 
the  enemy  appeared  at  fort  Massachusetts.  Benjamin 
King,  and  a  man  by  the  name  of  Meacham,  were  killed. 

The  same  month,  Lieut.  Joseph  Willard,  was  killed  at 
No.  4. 

On  the  25th,  as  a  number  of  men  were  coming  from 
the  army  at  the  lake,  they  were  attacked  by  a  large  body 



of  the  enemy,  and  it  is  probable  that  a  severe  action  en 
sued,  tho'  I  cannot  ascertain  the  particulars;  there  were, 
however,  eight  men  killed,  and  five  taken  captive. 

July  II.  The  enemy  came  to  West  Hoosick,  and  killed 
Capt.  Chapin,  and  two  persons  by  the  name  of  Chidester. 

August  12,  1756.  A  party  of  five,  or  six  Indians,  made 
their  appearance  in  Deerfield,  (now  Greenfield),  at  a 
place  called  the  country  farms;  several  men,  viz.  Benja 
min  Hastings,  John  Graves,  Daniel  Graves,  Nathaniel 
Brooks,  and  Shubal  Atherton,  being  at  work,  were  sur 
prised,  by  discovering  the  enemy  between  them  and  their 
guns,  and  being  in  no  situation  to  make  any  resistance, 
found  no  way  to  save  themselves,  but  by  flight.  They 
had  fled  but  a  few  rods,  before  they  were  fired  on;  none 
were  either  killed,  or  wounded  the  first  shot;  the  enemy 
still  pursued,  and  continued  their  firing.  Shubal  Atherton 
was  soon  killed;  Benjamin  Hastings,  and  John  Graves, 
made  their  escape;  Daniel  Graves,  and  Nathaniel  Brooks, 
were  taken  captive.  Graves  was  killed,  after  the  enemy 
had  conveyed  him  but  a  little  distance;  he  was  in  years, 
and  it  was  supposed,  he  was  unable  to  travel  with  such 
speed  as  the  enemy  wished.  Brooks  never  returned  from 
his  captivity. 

1757.  The  enemy  appeared  at  No.  4,  and  captivated 
five  persons;  the  particulars  of  this  matter  I  cannot 

March  20,  1758.  J.  Morrison,  and  J.  Henry  of  Col- 


rain,  being  near  what  is  called  north  river,  (a  branch  of 
Deerfield  river),  were  fired  on,  and  were  both  wounded; 
Capt.  Morrison's  barn  was  burnt,  and  his  cattle  were 
killed  the  same  day. 

March  21,  1759.  The  enemy  again  appeared  at  Col- 
rain,  and  captivated  Joseph  M'Ewers,  with  his  wife.  Mrs. 
M'Ewers,  was  killed  by  the  enemy,  after  one  day's  travel, 
she  being  unable  to  proceed. 

This  is  the  last  account,  which  I  can  obtain,  of  mischief 
done  by  the  enemy,  in  the  western  frontiers,  in  the  last 
French  war. 

APPREHENDING  that  it  will  not  be  disagreeable  to 
the  publick,  I  here  subjoin  a  circumstantial  account  of 
what  is  called  the  fall  fight,  which  happened  in  May, 

The  following,  I  have  taken  in  part,  from  Hubbard's 
history  of  the  Indian  wars;  but  principally  from  an  at 
tested  copy  of  a  manuscript,  written  by  some  gentlemen 
who  were  in  the  action. 

Several  large  bodies  of  Indians  had  assembled  at  differ 
ent  places  about  Deerfield.  Two  tribes  had  seated  them 
selves  at  the  falls,  one  on  the  east,  and  the  other  on  the 
west  side  of  the  river.  A  little  below  the  falls,  upon  an 
island,  was  another  tribe.  Another  had  placed  them 
selves  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  at  a  little  distance 


.      APPENDIX  199 

above  the  falls;  And  a  fifth  had  taken  their  residence  at 

These  Indians,  being  previously  informed,  by  some  of 
their  captives,  that  the  forces  were  principally  withdrawn 
from  the  neighbouring  towns,  had  imprudently  fallen  into 
a  state  of  unguarded  security.  The  inhabitants  being  in 
formed  of  this,  by  some  prisoners,  who  had  been  so  for 
tunate  as  to  make  their  escape,  determined  to  improve 
the  opportunity,  and  if  possible,  extirpate  them  from  this 
part  of  the  country.  All  the  soldiers,  who  could  be  raised, 
for  this  almost  desperate  expedition,  both  from  the  mil 
itia,  and  the  standing  forces,  amounted  to  only  one  hun 
dred  and  sixty.  The  standing  forces  were  commanded 
by  Capt.  Turner,  of  Boston.  The  volunteers  by  their  own 
officers.  Those  from  Springfield,  by  Capt.  Holyoke;  from 
Northampton,  by  Ensign  Lyman;  from  Hadley,  and  Hat- 
field,  by  Sergeants  Kellogg,  and  Dickinson.  The  Rev. 
Hope  Atherton,  minister  of  the  gospel,  at  Hatfield,  a  gen 
tleman  of  publick  spirit,  accompanied  the  army.  The 
pilots  were  Messrs.  Benjamin  Wait,  and  Experience 

These  troops  marched  from  Hatfield,  May  17,  1676,  a 
little  before  night.  Passing  Deerfield  river,  at  Cheapside, 
they  were  heard  by  the  Indian  sentinel,  who  immediately 
alarmed  the  tribe,  informing  them,  that  horses  had  passed 
the  river.  Search  was  immediately  made,  at  the  usual 
fording  place,  which  our  troops  had  happily  missed,  hav 


ing  by  mistake,  crossed  a  little  above,  and  the  enemy 
finding  no  tracks,  concluded,  that  their  sentry  had  been 
deceived,  and  that  what  he  heard,  must  have  been  the 
noise  of  moose,  passing  the  river  near  the  fording  place. 
Meeting  with  no  opposition  from  this  tribe,  our  troops 
marched  on,  till  they  came  to  the  falls.  It  was  now  about 
the  break  of  day.  According  to  their  wishes,  our  army 
found  the  enemy  in  an  unguarded  situation,  without  even 
a  sentinel.  The  reason  why,  at  this  time,  they  were  thus 
surprisingly  unguarded,  was,  the  evening  before  they 
had  been  rioting  upon  milk,  and  roast  beef,  having  been 
pillaging  cows  from  the  neighbouring  towns.  When  the 
day  opened,  so  that  our  army  could  distinguish  friends 
from  foes,  they  marched  up  and  began  the  attack,  by 
firing  into  the  wigwams.  The  Indians  awaking  in 
surprise,  and  in  their  consternation  supposing  that  they 
were  attacked  by  their  native  enemies,  cried,  Mohawks! 
Mohawks!  They  soon,  however,  discovered  their  mis 
take;  but  being  in  no  situation  to  make  an  immediate 
defence,  great  numbers  were  slain  upon  the  spot,  some, 
in  their  surprise,  ran  directly  into  the  river,  and  were 
drowned;  others  betook  themselves  to  their  bark  canoes, 
and  having  in  their  confusion  forgot  their  paddles,  were 
hurried  down  the  falls,  and  dashed  against  the  rocks; 
and  many  who  had  endeavoured  to  secrete  themselves 
under  the  river  banks,  were  discovered,  and  slain. 

In  this  action  the  enemy,  by  their  own  confession,  lost 
300,  women  and  children  included.  This 


This  victory,  though  great,  and  obtained  with  the  loss 
of  only  one  man,  in  the  first  onset,  was  yet,  however, 
disastrous  in  the  issue.  The  few  who  had  not  been  slain 
of  this  tribe,  after  recovering  from  their  fright,  and  being 
joined  by  the  neighbouring  tribes,  discovering  the  small- 
ness  of  the  number,  by  whom  they  had  been  thus  furiously 
attacked,  and  by  whom  they  had  sustained  such  a  loss, 
pursued,  and  harrassed  the  army  on  their  retreat,  with 
such  fury,  that  thirty-seven  were  killed,  and  several  were 

This  loss  was  imputed,  in  part,  to  the  bodily  infirmities 
of  Capt.  Turner;  and  in  part,  to  the  want  of  ammunition, 
which  was  the  cause  of  an  ill-timed  and  unguarded 

A  few,  to  the  number  of  about  twenty,  did  not  quit  the 
ground,  with  the  main  body  of  the  army,  but  tarried  be 
hind,  for  the  purpose  of  firing  at  some  of  the  enemy  who 
were  crossing  the  river.  These  men  soon  found  them 
selves  under  the  necessity  of  disputing  the  ground,  with 
a  considerable  body  of  the  enemy,  before  they  could  re 
cover  their  horses;  but  after  a  severe  skirmish,  obtained 
their  object,  and  soon  came  up  with  the  army,  which  was 
surrounded,  and  fought  on  their  retreat  for  ten  miles. 
Seven,  or  eight  men,  in  the  beginning  of  the  retreat,  were, 
by  some  accident,  unfortunately  separated  from  the  army, 
and  soon  found  themselves  lost.  The  Indians  after 
wards  gave  the  following  account  of  them:  That  on 



Monday  after  the  fight,  eight  Englishmen  came  to  them, 
who  were  lost,  and  offered  to  surrender,  on  condition 
their  lives  might  be  spared;  but,  instead  of  giving  them 
quarter,  they  took  and  burnt  them  in  the  following  man 
ner: — They  first  covered  them  with  dry  thatch,  then  set 
fire  to  it,  and  compelled  them  to  run:  When  one  covering 
was  burnt  off,  they  put  on  another,  and  so  continued 
till  death  delivered  them  from  their  hands. 

This  expedition  was  productive  of  very  happy  conse 
quences,  for  the  enemy  were  so  disconcerted  in  all  their 
plans,  and  so  greatly  disheartened,  that  they  never  after 
during  that  war,  gave  any  considerable  disturbance  to 
the  frontiers.  From  this  expedition  may  be  dated  their 
decline  in  these  parts. 

In  the  above  action  was  one  Jonathan  Wells,  of  Hat- 
field,  then  a  youth  in  his  iyth  year,  he  was  afterwards  a 
gentleman  improved  in  publick  life,  and  sustained  a  wor 
thy  character.  The  following  is  the  substance  of  an 
attested  copy  of  the  account,  taken  from  his  own  mouth. 

Mr.  Wells  was  one  of  the  20  men  abovementioned,  who 
were  under  a  necessity  of  disputing  the  ground,  for  the 
purpose  of  recovering  their  horses.  Soon  after  he  had 
mounted,  being  in  the  rear,  three  of  the  enemy  fired  upon 
him;  one  of  their  balls  brushed  his  hair,  another  wounded 
his  horse,  and  a  third  struck  his  thigh,  in  a  place  where  it 
had  before  been  broken  with  a  cart  wheel;  the  ball  did 
not  wholly  break  his  thigh  anew,  but  fractured  the  end  of 



one  of  the  bones,  which  was  a  little  projected  over  the 
other,  it  having  been  badly  set.  Upon  receiving  the 
wound,  it  was  with  difficulty  that  Mr.  Wells  kept  in  his 
saddle.  The  Indians  perceiving  they  had  wounded  him, 
pressed  hard  upon  him.  Mr.  Wells,  recovering  a  little 
from  the  first  shock,  and  perceiving  the  enemy  almost 
upon  him,  presented  his  gun,  which  gave  them  a  check, 
and  whilst  they  were  charging,  he  made  his  escape,  and 
reached  the  company.  He  represented  to  Capt.  Turner, 
the  danger  to  which  the  people  in  the  rear  were  exposed, 
and  urged  him  to  return  to  their  relief,  or  halt  till  they 
might  come  up;  but  he  answered,  "It  is  better  to  lose 
some,  than  all.*'  The  army  was  now  divided  into  sev 
eral  companies,  one  pilot  crying,  "If  you  will  save  your 
lives,  follow  me;"  and  another,  "If  you  regard  your  safety 
follow  me."  Mr.  Wells  was  now  following  a  company, 
whose  course  was  towards  a  swamp;  but  perceiving  that  a 
body  of  the  enemy  were  there,  he  left  that  company,  who 
were  all  lost,  and  joined  a  small  party,  who  were  taking 
a  different  route;  but  his  horse  soon  failing  by  reason  of 
his  wound,  and  himself  being  much  weakened  by  loss 
of  blood,  he  was  left  by  this  party,  having  only  one  Jones, 
a  wounded  man  to  accompany  him:  They  had  no  path 
to  guide  them,  and  were  both  unacquainted  with  the 
woods.  They  had  not  travelled  far,  before  Mr.  Wells  was 
separated  from  Jones  and  finding  himself  faint,  eat  a  nut 
meg  which  he  had  in  his  pocket,  upon  which  he  revived. 



After  having  wandered  in  the  woods  for  some  time,  he 
came  upon  green  river,  and  he  followed  the  course  of  it 
up,  till  he  came  to  a  place  called  the  country  farms;  hav 
ing  passed  the  river  he  attempted  to  ascend  a  mountain 
on  the  west  side,  but  fainted,  and  fell  from  his  horse. 
How  long  he  lay  in  this  condition  he  knew  not,  but  when 
he  recovered,  he  found  his  horse  standing  by  him,  and  his 
bridle  hanging  on  his  hand.  He  arose,  tied  his  horse, 
and  again  laid  himself  down,  but  upon  reflection,  finding 
himself  already  so  weak  as  to  be  unable  to  mount  conclud 
ed  that  he  should  have  no  further  use  for  his  horse,  and  be 
ing  unwilling  that  he  should  die  at  the  tree,  dismissed  him; 
but  unhappily  forgot  to  take  any  provision  from  his  port 
manteau,  although  it  contained  a  plenty.  Towards  night, 
being  troubled  with  musquetoes,  he  struck  up  a  fire;  but 
this  almost  proved  his  destruction;  it  arose,  and  spread 
with  such  fury,  among  the  leaves  and  trash,  that  it  was 
with  difficulty,  in  his  faint  condition,  he  escaped  perish 
ing  in  the  flames.  After  he  was  out  of  danger,  from  the 
fire,  he  again  laid  himself  down  to  rest;  but  now  new 
fears  arose;  he  imagined  that  the  fire  would  direct  the 
enemy  where  to  find  him;  and  serve  to  betray  him  into 
their  hands:  Unwilling  the  enemy  should  be  benefitted 
by  his  ammunition,  he  cast  it  to  as  great  a  distance  as  he 
could,  reserving  only  a  charge  or  two  for  their  use,  should 
he  fall  into  their  hands.  After  some  time,  finding  his 
fire  had  spread  considerably,  he  took  courage,  put  some 



tow  into  his  wounds,  bound  them  up  with  his  handker 
chief,  and  composed  himself  to  sleep.  In  his  sleep  he 
dreamed,  that  his  grandfather  came  to  him,  and  told  him 
he  was  lost,  and  must  turn,  and  go  down  that  river,  till 
he  should  come  to  the  end  of  a  mountain,  where  he  would 
find  a  plain,  upon  which  he  must  travel,  in  order  to  find 
his  way  home.  When  he  awoke  he  found  himself  re 
freshed,  his  bleeding  stopped,  and  his  strength  recruited, 
and  with  the  help  of  his  gun  as  a  staff,  he  was  able  to 
walk,  though  but  slowly.  The  rising  of  the  sun,  con 
vinced  him,  he  was  lost,  and  that  the  course  he  intended 
to  pursue  was  wrong.  He  had  now  wandered  six  or 
seven  miles  farther  from  home,  than  when  he  set  out  from 
the  place  of  action.  And  though,  at  first,  he  paid  no 
attention  to  his  dream,  now  he  determined  to  follow  the 
directions  of  it.  Accordingly,  he  traveled  down  the  river, 
found  the  end  of  the  mountain,  and  soon  came  to  the 
plain;  all  of  which,  agreed  to  the  representation  in  his 
dream.*  Soon  after  he  entered  upon  the  plain,  he  found 

a  foot 

*  I  doubt,  whether,  in  this  dream,  there  was  any  thing  super 
natural,  as  some  may  be  ready  to  suppose.  Mr.  Wells,  having 
wandered  in  the  woods  six  or  seven  miles,  must  necessarily  have 
had  some  doubts  whether  his  course  was  right  ;  and  his  mind, 
when  asleep,  would  more  naturally  employ  itself  on  this  subject, 
than  any  other  ;  because  to  find  the  way  home,  must  have  been  his 
great  object,  when  awake.  His  dreaming  that  his  grandfather 
appeared  to  him,  was  nothing  strange  ;  and  his  local  situation  at 
this  time  was  such,  that  he  could  not  be  entirely  unacquainted 
with  the  natural  make  of  the  ground  ;  and  his  thoughts  running  as 
they  did,  in  this  dream,  would  be  natural  ;  the  river  was  near  him 
— the  plain  was  before  him — and  the  end  of  the  monntain,  near  the 
side  of  the  plain,  if  he  had  not  previously  seen  it,  would  naturally 
be  supposed. 


a  foot  path,  which  led  him  to  the  road,  in  which,  the 
main  body  of  the  army  returned.  When  he  came  to 
Deerfield  river,  he  met  with  much  difficulty  in  crossing; 
the  stream  carrying  his  lame  leg  across  the  other,  so  that 
several  of  his  first  attempts  were  without  effect.  Finally, 
however,  with  the  help  of  his  gun,  with  much  difficulty  he 
reached  the  opposite  shore.  When  he  had  ascended  the 
bank,  being  greatly  fatigued,  he  laid  himself  down  under 
a  walnut  bush,  and  fell  asleep.  When  he  awoke,  the 
first  object  that  presented,  was  an  Indian  in  a  canoe, 
coming  directly  towards  him.  Mr.  Wells  now  found 
himself  in  a  very  unhappy  condition,  being  so  disabled 
by  his  wounds  that  he  could  not  flee,  and  his  gun  being 
so  filled  with  gravel  and  sand,  in  crossing  the  river,  that 
he  could  not  fight.  So  soon  however,  as  he  perceived 
the  Indian  had  discovered  him,  he  presented  his  gun, 
which  so  affrighted  him,  that  he  leaped  out  of  the  canoe, 
leaving  his  own  gun,  and  made  his  escape.  Mr.  Wells 
concluding  that  he  would  inform  the  whole  tribe,  who 
were  only  a  few  rods  distant,  went  into  a  neighbouring 
swamp,  and  finding  two  logs  lying  near  each  other,  and 
covered  with  rubbish,  he  crept  between  them.  He  soon 
heard  the  noise  of  Indians  but  was  not  curious  to  look  out 
after  them.  When  the  noise  had  ceased,  he  ventured  to 
proceed  forward.  In  Deerfield  meadow  he  found  some 
horses'  bones,  from  which  he  scraped  some  matter, 
which  served  for  food;  he  also  found  two  or  three  rotten 



beans,  where  the  Indians  had  threshed,  and  also  two 
blue  bird's  eggs,  which  was  all  the  sustenance  he  had 
till  he  reached  home.  He  came  to  Deerfield  town  plat,  on 
Saturday  night  about  dark,  but  as  there  were  no  inhabi 
tants  present,  the  town  having  a  little  before  been  burnt, 
he  continued  his  course  in  the  evening. 

He  was  often  under  great  discouragements,  and  fre 
quently  laid  himself  down  to  die,  expecting  to  rise  no 
more.  He  reached  no  farther  than  muddy  brook  as  the 
sun  rose  on  Sabbath  morning.  Here,  seeing  a  human 
head,  which  had  been  dug  up  by  wild  beasts,  Mr.  Wells, 
notwithstanding  the  distresses  of  his  condition,  stopped 
to  find  the  grave,  which  having  found  he  laid  the  head  to 
the  body,  and  covered  it  with  billets  of  wood,  to  defend 
it  from  the  ravenous  beasts  of  the  wilderness.  After  he 
had  left  the  brook  and  entered  upon  the  plain,  he  grew 
faint  and  very  thirsty,  but  could  obtain  no  water  for  a  con 
siderable  time;  he  was,  however,  often  refreshed,  by  hold 
ing  his  face  in  the  smoke  of  burning  knots  of  pine,  which 
he  frequently  met  with,  as  the  woods  were  on  fire.  Mr. 
Wells  arrived  at  Hatfield  on  the  Sabbath,  between  meet 
ings,  and  was  received  with  inexpressible  joy,  as  one 
having  arisen  from  the  dead.  He  endured  incredible 
pain,  and  distress,  with  his  wound,  being  confined  several 
times  to  his  bed,  for  six  months  together;  and  it  was 
upwards  of  four  years  before  he  was  sound. 

In  this  action  was  also  the  Rev.  Mr.  Atherton,  minister 



of  the  gospel,  in  Hatfield.  The  following  is  the  substance 
of  a  paragraph,  which  he  delivered  to  his  people  the 
Sabbath  after  his  return: 

"  In  the  hurry  and  confusion  of  the  retreat,  I  was  sep 
arated  from  the  army;  the  night  following,  I  wandered 
up  and  down  among  the  dwelling  places  of  the  enemy, 
but  none  of  them  discovered  me.  The  next  day,  I 
tendered  myself  to  them  a  prisoner,  for  no  way  of  escape 
appeared,  and  I  had  been  a  long  time  without  food;  but 
notwithstanding  I  offered  myself  to  them,  yet,  they  ac 
cepted  not  the  offer;  when  I  spake  they  answered  not; 
and  when  I  moved  toward  them  they  fled.*  Finding 
they  would  not  accept  of  me  as  a  prisoner,  I  determined 
to  take  the  course  of  the  river  and  if  possible  find  the 
way  home,  and  after  several  days  of  hunger,  fatigue  and 
danger,  I  reached  Hatfield." 

Deer-field ',  October  loth,  1793. 

*  There  were  various  conjectures  at  the  time,  relative  to  this 
strange  conduct  of  the  Indians  ;  the  most  probable  one  was,  that  it 
arose  from  some  of  their  religious  superstitions. 


The  following  observations  were  added  by  Mr.  T.  PRINCE, 

to  the  third  edition,  for  the  information  of  our  younger 


THE  reverend  author  of  the  preceeding  his 
tory  and  sermon  was  a  son  of  Mr.  Samuel  Williams,  of 
Roxbury,  where  he  was  born  Dec.  10,  1664;  took  his 
first  degree  at  Harvard  college  in  1683;  was  ordained 
the  first  pastor  of  the  church  in  Deerfield,  in  May,  1686. 

And  his  first  wife  Eunice,  murdered  by  the  barbarous 
Indians,  as  before  related,  was  the  only  daughter  of  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Eleazer  Mather,  first  pastor  of  the  church  in 
Northampton,  by  his  only  wife,  Mrs.  Esther,  the  daugh 
ter  of  the  reverend  and  famous  Mr.  John  Warham,  for 
merly  a  minister  in  Exeter,  in  England,  who  came  to 
New-England  in  1630,  was  the  first  teacher  with  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Maverick,  pastor  of  the  first  church  in  Dorchester, 
near  Boston;  and  in  1635,  removed,  with  the  greater  part 
of  his  church,  to  Windsor,  on  Connecticut  river,  where 
he  continued  their  pastor  until  he  died.  After  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Eleazer  Mather's  death,  his  widow  married  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Solomon  Stoddard,  who  succeeded  him  in  the 
pastoral  office  at  Northampton. 

When  Deerfield  was  destroyed,  in  February,  1703-4,  it 
was  in  the  first  year  of  my  living  at  Harvard  college;  and 
I  well  remember  how  generally  and  greatly  affected  were 
the  good  people  of  this  province,  with  that  terrible 



His  eldest  son,  Eleazer,  being  then  in  another  town, 
escaped  that  calamity.  The  next  commencement,  by  the 
encouragement  and  help  of  divers  charitable  people,  es 
pecially  in  Boston,  he  entered  Harvard  college;  and  liv 
ing  in  the  chamber  over  me,  I  fell  into  an  intimate  ac 
quaintance  with  him;  and  found  him  a  person  of  eminent 
piety,  humility,  sincerity,  and  sweetness  of  temper,  like 
his  father.  He  took  his  first  degree  in  1708,  and  became 
the  faithful  pastor  of  the  church  in  Mansfield  in 
Connecticut,  until  he  died. 

His  reverend  father  returning  from  captivity,  and  ar 
riving  at  Boston,  November  21,  1706,  to  the  great  joy 
of  the  people;  and  being  informed  that  he  was  to  preach 
the  publick  lecture  there  on  December  6th,  I,  with  many 
others,  went  down,  and  in  an  auditory  exceedingly 
crowded  and  affected,  I  heard  the  sermon  herewith  re 
printed.  And  in  those  times,  there  was  such  a  tender 
union,  affection,  and  Christian  simplicity,  among  the 
good  people  here,  that,  as  the  apostle  lively  describes 
it,  "  When  one  member  of  the  society  suffered,  the  whole 
'body  seemed  to  suffer  with  it;  and  when  one 
'rejoiced,  the  whole  rejoiced." 

By  the  like  kind  encouragement,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Williams 
had  his  son  Stephen  Williams  educated  at  Harvard  col 
lege;  who  took  his  first  degree  in  1713;  was  ordained  pas 
tor  of  a  church  in  Springfield;  and  is  so  extensively  known 
and  valued,  that  his  name  only  needs  to  be  mentioned; 



as  that  of  his  son  Warham — who  took  his  first  degree  in 
1719,  and  became  the  worthy  pastor  of  the  church  in 
Waltham,  formerly  a  part  of  Watertown;  not  long  since 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Williams,  of  Deerfield,  used  every  May, 
yearly,  to  come  down  to  the  general  convention  of  the  min 
isters  of  the  province  at  Boston;  where  he  was  always 
very  affectionately  entertained. 

At  the  convention  in  May,  1728,  (being  chosen  the  year 
before)  he  preached  a  very  moving  sermon  to  the  minis 
ters;  when  I  remember,  he  expressed  his  joy  in  the  great 
advantage  we  at  that  time  had  above  the  preceeding  min 
isters,  in  the  general  awakenings  through  the  land,  by  the 
great  earthquake  in  October  foregoing.  And  on  June 
12,  1729,  he  died,  greatly  beloved  and  lamented. 

And  by  the  accounts  above,  we  may  learn,  from  the 
instance  of  this  one  town  only  in  our  western  frontiers  of 
the  province  of  the  Massachusetts  bay,  in  New-England, 
what  horrible  murders  and  desolations  this  proivnce  has 
suffered  from  the  French  and  Indians  in  all  our  wars 
with  them  ever  since  the  year  1675,  when  the  Indians 
first  broke  out  upon  us — and  what  numbers  of  the  present 
people  in  Canada  are  the  children  of  this  province,  or 
descendants  from  them — which,  in  case  the  sovereign 
God  should  ever  lead  a  victorious  army  of  ours  into  Can 
ada,  will  clearly  justify  us  to  all  the  world,  if  we  should 
bring  every  child  and  descendant  of  New-England,  yea 



of  all  the  British  colonies,  away — especially  considering 
we  should  bring  them  into  a  much  pleasanter  and  more 
plenteous  land  and  agreeable  climate;  out  of  a  wretched 
land  of  darkness  and  slavery,  both  religious  and  civil, 
into  a  land  of  glorious  light  and  liberty.  And  may  the 
Almighty  hasten  it  in  his  time! 

Boston,  Dec.  20,  1757. 


14  DAY  USE 



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